CHIN427 Springgrass

“A migrant worker’s actual wage per working hour is only one quarter that of a city employee” (Gong 54).  Among a plethora of challenges, migrant workers in China are awfully underpaid, experience delays in salary disbursements, work under appalling conditions, and have limited access to labor insurance and social security measures (Gong 54). The urban-rural divide in China is a well-established issue and an undeniable reality. This paper seeks to delve deeper into the identity-based discrimination experienced by migrant workers and rural populations and explore the origins of the urban-rural gap within China’s adoption of a socialist framework inspired by the Soviet Union.

The discrimination against migrant workers primarily manifests through institutional channels rather than through the general public (Gong 32). Undeniably, China’s rapid economic growth in the past three decades has been driven by the exploitation of cheap rural labor by domestic and foreign corporations (Gaetano 26). Both political and corporate interests, as such, are opposed to rectifying or minimizing the urban-rural gap. However, attributing this discrimination solely to state institutions and corporations would be a fragmented perspective that overlooks and exonerates the role of urban populations in perpetuating this divide. It appears urban residents have internalized the division created by the dual social structure state policies, viewing themselves as the “superior breed” (Gong 51) and often harboring discriminatory attitudes toward people from the Chinese countryside.

To illustrate the complementary roles of institutional and public discrimination, the treatment of individuals from the Henan province serves as an apt example. Post-COVID, authorities and businesses across several provinces exploited the pandemic as a pretext to deny employment, refuse housing, restrict mobility, and make arrests of people from Henan (CHRD). However, such discrimination predated COVID, as exemplified by the case of Miss Yan, who was denied employment in Hangzhou on account of her Henan roots (WSJ). In addition to such instances of institutional discrimination, the Chinese general public also unequivocally endorses these sentiments. The Chinese social media platform “NetEase” has served as a breeding ground for particularly malicious comments directed at people from Henan (Peng 2)– labeling them as fraudsters, swindlers, and cheats. As such, in the present day, Chinese citizens are also complicit in discriminatory practices and widening the urban-rural gap.

While Spring Grass and Rivers Ho do not appear to have faced explicit forms of discrimination owning to their Southern roots, specific instances potentially personify more subtle forms of prejudice among urban populations. When Spring Grass started working at the Red Glory Department Store, her accent invited sneer and scrutiny from the local employees (Qiu 13.5). Despite this, her time at the store was an overwhelming success– she established her footing in the city and created a successful business from her little stall. Her commendable work ethic and propensity to assist Mr. Swen and the department store employees even earned her the ‘Outstanding Worker’ award. However, when an employee first proposed nominating Spring Grass for the award, another employee was quick to emphasize that she was an “outsider” (Qiu 14.5), unworthy of consideration. While it is unclear whether the dissenting employee was referring to Spring Grass’s roots as an outsider to the city or her status as an unofficial employee, the sentiment of viewing migrant workers as “outsiders” appears to align with the sentiments of urban populations.

The negative stereotypes linked to the people from Henan and the association of migrant workers as outsiders can both be traced to the Chinese household registration system, better known as the hukou. After 1963, the Ministry of Public Security drew clear distinctions between an “agricultural hukou” and a “non-agricultural hukou” (Gong 50) which laid the bedrock for the urban-rural divide. Agricultural hukou holders in the non-urban regions of China were defined as farmers, an inherited and fixed identity decided by the hukou. As Chinese authorities cracked down on the transferability of the hukou, rural populations were permanently identified as farmers– an identity one could not dispose of even after working in non-agricultural sectors in the city for extended periods of time (Gong 50). Spring Grass, herself, likely referencing the hukou and its non-transferability, claimed that there is no home for her and Rivers in the city (Qiu 16.11). As such, the household registration system established and perpetuated the concept of a migrant worker as an “outsider.” Moreover, the distinct differences in benefits and services available to the two hukou holders have likely catalyzed a superiority complex among urban populations causing rural identity-based discrimination, as indicated by the treatment of people from Henan.

As such, the cause for regional discrimination in present-day China is undoubtedly the existence of a stringent hukou­-based identity. However, it is interesting to note that the hukou appears to be used as a tool to enforce and perpetuate regional discrimination­– the cause of this phenomenon is not embedded within this system. The Household Registration Law was enacted by the Kuomintang government in 1931 and it did not restrict hukou transferability or the freedom of movement (Gong 35). Only after 1958 with the promulgation of the Household Registration Regulations, was the hukou used to limit the mobility of farmers (Gong 49). Subsequently, in 1963, the segregation of agricultural and non-agricultural hukou established an institutionalized urban-rural gap or a dual social structure. The household registration system was weaponized by the Socialist government of Mao Zedong, which was also responsible for instilling the concept of regional discrimination.

The turning point, within the context of regional discrimination, came in 1953 when the Communist Party of China (CPC) abandoned the “ideals of a new democracy” established since the revolution of 1949 and declared a commitment to replicate Soviet-style socialism (Gong 36). With the initiation of the first five-year plan, the CPC prioritized the need for immediate industrialization and sidelined investment in the agricultural sector. This marked the initiation of a state-sanctioned policy of urban prioritization and rural disregard.

To fund the establishment of heavy industries, the CPC relied primarily on the agricultural sector– farmers’ tributes (gong shui) (Gong 39). However, describing these funds as tributes is an appalling mischaracterization, given that the government’s centralized agricultural procurement system levied harsh agricultural taxes and used “price scissors” to artificially slash the price of agricultural produce (Gong 40). The prioritization of heavy industry with the simultaneous reliance on agriculture prevented the absorption of rural populations into urban settings as the planned economy determined the allocation of labor (Gong 42). The CPC also collectivized agriculture and enforced stringent purchase quotas that farmers were required to fulfill (Gong 43). Early in Spring Grass’s life, these socialist policies drove her mother to assume greater responsibility on the agricultural front as an increased amount of labor had to be exerted to fulfill quotas and to make a living from the artificially lowered prices. Agricultural collectivization and the renunciation of private land ownership dictated production activity and threatened the sustenance of farmers. As such, in 1956 and 1957, millions of farmers fled to urban areas in search of better employment opportunities (Gong 49). However, given the need to ensure food security and the requirement of funds to industrialize, the CPC enforced the 1958 hukou amendments– placing an absolute restriction on the freedom of farmers’ movement.

Therefore, regional discrimination in China originates from the socialist government’s policy of industrialization at the expense of the rural workforce. In the past, rural populations were exploited to fund the industries of modern China; in the present, they are exploited to ensure the availability of cheap labor. The basis of regional discrimination, as such, exists in the replication of the Soviet socialist system. The hukou system has been used as a means to ensure the perpetual enslavement and subordination of rural populations, and the following differences instituted between urban and rural hukou have shaped the form of discrimination present in today’s Chinese society.

Word Count: 1295

Work-Cited:

Chinese Human Rights Defenders, “China Must End Discrimination against Hubei Residents and African Migrants in the Context of Containing Pandemic”, 2020

Gaetano, Arianne M. “Rural Women and Migration under Market Socialism”, Out to Work, University of Hawai’i Press, pp.14-27

Gong, Renren. “The historical causes of China’s dual social structure.”, Confronting Discrimination and Inequality in China, University of Ottawa Press, 2009, pp. 30-69

Peng, Altman Yuzhu. “Amplification of regional discrimination on Chinese news portals: An affective critical discourse analysis”, Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies, 2020, pp. 1-17

Qiu, Shanshan. “Spring Grass”, Chapter 14-16

Wall Street Journal, “Chinese Woman Denied a Job in Case of Provincial Prejudice– and She’s Suing”, 2019

I never thought that the most impressive Chinese woman I would have the pleasure of interviewing would have been a so-called “illiterate country bumpkin”(Qiu, 29.8). But Spring Grass was so much more than that. She possessed an extraordinary work ethic, which she wielded to change her fate and fight against urban-rural discrimination. She was both traditional yet modern, perfectly unique, representative of the shifting zeitgeist in China from 1960 to the early 2000’s.

I first met Spring Grass when I was invited to a dinner party hosted by Mrs. Tsai, an acquaintance I had made during my studies abroad, during the summer of 1996 (Qiu, 29). For the three years beforehand, I had been gathering information on the current phenomenon of private migrant children’s schools popping up in the suburban areas of Chinese cities (Pong, 48).After the mass migration of rural workers to the outskirts of Chinese cities in the late 20th century, the number of school-age migrant children increased dramatically (Wang, 698). Since many of these migrant workers faced discrimination in wages and work-hours, they often could not afford to send their students to city-schools (Wang 696). As a result, most migrant children were sent to pop-up private schools. Unlike in America, private schools are actually of worse quality than public schools, as they are not funded by the government, the teachers are not as qualified, and they lack proper equipment (Wang, 701). However, I learned through Principal Lin, a friend of Mrs. Tsai, that Spring Grass managed to get her kids into a public school through hard work and the use of connections, or as they are known in China, guanxi.

Over dinner, it became apparent that Spring Grass was exceptional. She had bags under her eyes darker than the night sky yet her eyes shone with an ambitious light. I called Mrs. Tsai inquired about Spring Grass, who told me where I could find her. When I went to see her, even though it was a Sunday, I only found her children, Richie and Penny at home, who told me that their mother was working.

“Your mother is still out working, on a Sunday?” I commented.

The younger one, Richie, stared at me absentmindedly while mouthing xiongmao, the Chinese word for Panda. White people like myself were rare to see, even in Chinese cities, so I was probably the first “Panda” he had ever encountered.

“Our mama’s always out late working” the young girl piped up. She had a little more of a spark in her eyes than her brother. “She once worked so hard she fainted!” Penny seemed almost proud of this fact. I pressed further.

“Oh really? How many hours do you think she usually works?”

“She gets up before the sun, and works well after the sun goes down”, Penny replied, her courage growing. “She wants me and Richie to become city-people, so she works hard to send us to a city-school”. 

I was thoroughly impressed. Mrs. Tsai had told me that Spring Grass worked hard, but I never expected this amount of rigor. Even though, after some quick calculations based on the average wage rate, it became apparent that she was just scraping by, and most likely was still looking for a long term solution to keep paying for the bi-annual educational fees (Qiu, 30.5). 

“And your mama does this all by herself?” I asked, probing deeper to see how she covered the high cost of education. 

“She does!” Penny piped up, her eyes brimming with pride. “She tells us our baba used to also provide for us, but I haven’t seen him in several years. She says he’s going to come home soon…”

At that point, Spring Grass came home. She agreed to answer some burning questions of mine while she prepared dinner. I started off by learning her story. How she was born into a traditional family, where her mother’s intense work ethic had been instilled into her. How she was denied her educational opportunities, and rebelled against her Mother’s wishes in her marriage with husband. How she defied the odds not once but twice in the entrepreneurial world, but left out how she lost her wealth. It was a riveting tale, one which myself, Penny, and Richie all listened to in awe, their feeling of affection and respect for their mother only deepening. I then began to ask her questions regarding her children’s education.

“Could you tell me how your kids ended up attending Principal Lin’s school?” I asked.

“Oh, well it was really thanks to Mrs. Lin, she’s helped me a great deal. She took a likin’ to my work around the house, and even cared for me when I fell sick a few months back. She so politely offered to get my kids into her school, even exempting me from the additional fees against non-local households” 

Migrant workers faced many kinds of discrimination in their efforts to adapt to city life. Not only were their wages lower and their work hours longer, but in the pursuit of their children’s education, they faced several exclusionary fees (Wang, 696). Being exempted from these allowed Spring Grass to send her kids to city school. 

“How did it feel to send your kids to a city-school?” I then asked.

She stopped for a second, a smile fixed on her face as she remembered standing for hours outside the gates of her kids school, her heart overflowing with happiness (Qiu, 30.4)

“It was one of the happiest days of my life when I first dropped off Richie and Penny at a city school.When I was young, I was awarded first in my class for middle school, but my mama forced me to withdraw. I want my moppets to become city people, and the public school system is the only way. Getting them into school felt like… felt like my dream”.

I let her bask in her joy for a few seconds, before prying deeper. 

“What is the hardest part about your children attending a city school?”

Spring Grass paused in her work, her brow furrowing. She opened her mouth to speak but Richie got their first, saying “Sometimes the city kids call me names…. Xiaolongbao (people from rural areas)… they are not friendly” (Wang, 697). His sister comforted him by rubbing his shoulder. Spring Grass cleared her throat and said,

“Yes, sometimes I’ve been called those names too, but I don’t think too much of them. It’s the cost us country folk must pay for our lives to be richer (Wang, 697). 

Spring Grass was not alone in this attitude. China has this unique housing registration system hukou, which separates people based on their urban or rural background. Urban hukou’s have more access to better jobs, housing, and education, which gave way to the cultural divide between rural and urban folk. However, it is still rural people’s dream to become city people, bearing the discrimination and hardships they face along the way. Spring Grass’s soul of bamboo spirit allowed her to overcome these hardships and send her kids on the path of  a city person, but many other migrants were unable to do the same. One of whom I encountered was Sister Zhang. 

I ran into Sister Zhang as she was dropping her kids off for school at an old shoe factory (Pong, 51). After some small talk was exchanged, she agreed to answer some questions.

“Are your children in school currently? If so, how are they finding it?” 

She shuffled her feet before begrudgingly saying that her kids were currently enrolled in one of the unregistered private schools for migrant children nearby. Not only was the quality of education much poorer at the unregistered facility, but the grounds were unsanitary there as well (Wang, 699). She told me how she had to hand wash her children every day after they came home from school (Wang, 699). 

There were two types of private schools that emerged in the 1990’s: registered and unregistered. These unregistered private schools were even worse than the registered ones. They often had minimal hardware, were highly unhygienic, and the teachers would sometimes be absent (Wang, 693). 

However, she remained optimistic, especially after hearing how Spring Grass was single handedly taking care of her moppets and using guanxi to overcome societal barriers. At the end, I asked her if she believes that she can get her children into the public school system, and she replied,

“Fate is something that can change, you know. Look at me, I’ve come here to the city, so my fate is different from what it was before.”(Qiu, 18.12)

Chinese migrant workers may have the ability to change their own fate, and they definitely can influence their kids’ destiny. Working hard to earn their children a spot in the public school system, as Spring Grass did, puts their heritage on the path to success: an urban hukou and a chance for a successful career. 

Word Count: 1496

Works Cited: 

Pong, Myra. “The Growth and Development of Migrant Schools in Beijing”, 2015, pp 47-56

Qiu, Shanshan. “Spring Grass”, Chapters 17-27

Wang, Lu. “The Marginality of Migrant Children in the Urban Chinese Educational System”, British Journal of Sociology of Education, 2008, pp 691-703

As parents age, it gets more and more difficult for them to take care of themselves, and eventually the responsibility of tending to one’s parents both financially and psychologically falls upon other people. The manner in which parents are cared for as they age varies across cultures, and in some places aging parents can become a perpetual problem due to too large of an aging population and a lack of systematic healthcare systems. In China, this phenomenon has been especially difficult to address, as China has  “the largest elderly population in the world” and is  “aging at an unprecedented level” (Zhang et al., 1). In the United States, however, although aging parents is still a difficult issue to address, this situation is dealt with differently due to different cultural expectations regarding the role of family in caring for parents and because “safety net systems cover the majority of the elderly” (Zhang et al., 1). Additionally, wealth inequality and rural-urban inequality affects how individuals are able to care for their parents in both countries. In this essay, I will analyze the differences in practices and ways of thinking regarding how to care for one’s parents between the United States and China across culture, societal systems and policies, and how wealth and  inequality affects these practices. 

In China, there is a cultural emphasis on “filial piety”, a tradition which was emphasized during the agricultural and economic reform of the 1950’s and 60’s. This has made it so that “the family is traditionally responsible for taking care of their elders” (Zhang et al., 1), by not only physically taking care of them but also financially. This can be seen in Spring Grass both in decision how Spring Grass’s Aunt feels obliged to live in their house during her childhood, but also in how when Rivers Ho first finds out that she is covering her mothers treatment he responds with understanding, saying “if you didn’t do anything, you’d end up like me and regret it in the future” (Qiu, 23.9) Robbie’s strong regret that he did not support his parents is also representative of how traditionally, “patrilineal culture has led to parents in most parts of rural China to rely on sons rather than daughters for support” (Zhang et al., 2). Although this does not apply to Spring Grass, she does not represent a traditional Chinese woman. She actually has many qualities of traditional Chinese men, such as entrepreneurship desire, educational prowess, and freedom of love, which could be why she ends up paying for her mothers treatment. 

In the United States, however, caring for one’s parents is also a filial duty, but more driven by an attitude of financial success and the American dream. A part of the American dream is to work hard through the capitalist economic structure and become successful enough so that you can then cover your parent’s expenses. Many successful athletes and celebrities greatest personal achievements is allowing their parents to retire early. In addition, there is also a traditional emphasis on patrilineal culture in the US as seen by idioms such as “like father like son” and “follow in your fathers footsteps”. However, this patrilineal attitude is more about financial success than personally caring for your parents, representative of the American dream. In addition, this financial support is not as substantial as in China, especially before the implementation of the NRPS program in 2009 which paid subsidies to elderly people, due to America’s Social Security system. 

In order to better understand the differences between China‘s and the United States’ social structures that assist elderly people as they age, I will first lay out the difference between the general healthcare systems between the two. In China during the 1950’s, there was an increase in the general health of Chinese citizens due to President Mao Zedong’s policy push to “make concerted efforts to promote rural healthcare” due to the want to protect the agricultural production based economy (Shi, 724). However, when the focus of China shifted to heavy industry, several policy changes led to a disparity in healthcare between rural and urban districts. In 1978 there were several policy reforms which centralized the healthcare system around city districts, and access to city healthcare was now determined by one’s hukou status. This not only led to disparity between the quality of hospital services between rural and urban districts because of a decrease in investment into rural health services, but also greatly impacted insurance coverage and hospital fees (Shi, 729). Due to the change in funding for rural hospitals, hospitals had to shift to a fee-for-service system, and by 1986 “only 9.5% of the rural population was covered by comparative medicine, compared with 90% in 1978” (Shi, 725). This can be seen in Spring Grass in how Robbie takes his wife to the Shanghai hospital for the best treatment, and how both Robbie and Spring Grass have to pay out of pocket for these treatments. Finally, in a data analysis report in 1993, it was discovered that “The people most affected by these changes are the rural elderly” (Shi, 732), which is why it is especially important to understand the social health care system in China as it is applicable to the manner in which elders in China are cared for. 

In the United States, however, there is a comprehensive Social Security system which pays out checks to senior citizens that can effectively cover most essential goods, and many jobs offer retirement benefits. In addition, insurance is emphasized in every aspect of healthcare, from complex surgeries to simple medicinal treatments. Even here at Williams, the school offers health insurance to students. Due to the naturally capitalist nature of the American economic system, it is financially beneficial for both hospitals and insurance companies to have extremely high prices as well, a phenomenon that emerged from the health sector boom of the 1970’s and 80’s. This may be economically beneficial, but these high prices and emphasis on insurance leads to an inequality of access to healthcare between wealthy and non-wealthy citizens, as if one does not have insurance in the US, it is practically impossible to afford healthcare to the astronomically high service fees. 

The difference in how wealthy and non-wealthy Americans can afford to take care of their parents is also seen in China, but more based on a rural-urban disparity. As mentioned above, the healthcare policy changes in 1978 decreased the funding toward rural hospitals, and “the differences in resource allocation to rural and urban areas have increased” (Shi, 727). This also disproportionately affects elderly people, as “80% of elderly live in rural China. The greater challenge that rural elderly face due to the worse quality of care and lack of insurance can be seen in a study regarding the New Rural Pension Scheme, where not only did they find that “the NRPS only has significant effect on the poor elderly” (Zhang, 2), but they also discovered that “pension income crowds out 27.9% of the monetary support from adult sons” (Zhang, 1). The large amount of monetary support of children to parents can be seen in Spring Grass in her hesitancy to “withdraw such a large part of their savings to pay for her mothers operation” (Qiu, 23.3). In addition, the difference between wealthy versus poor families and their ability to support their parents can be seen when Rivers Ho comments on how Robbie was able to pay to treat his wife’s breast cancer and says “that’s because he has money. If it was us, wouldn’t we be as good as dead and gone.”(Qiu, 23.4). The difference in supporting aging parents between poor and wealthy families is also seen in America. 

In America, there is also a gap between the rich and poor and their ability to care for aging parents, but not necessarily based on rural-urban disparity. If an American is wealthy, then usually they would put their parents into a retirement home, or even hire full time nanny care. Although these usually can be quite pricey, they are not strictly in urban locations. In fact, there is even a retirement home in Williamstown which goes to show that the inequality of access to parental care is not limited based on rural-urban locations.  

In conclusion, there are both similarities and differences between the US and China in the manner in which the elderly are cared for. Both cultures see the importance of the younger generation assisting their parents, but the United States emphasizes the financial aspect. In China, there is less of a social support system than in the United States, but both societies face unequal access to affordable healthcare for parents, in the United States due to exorbitant prices while in China due to urban-rural disparity. 

Word Count: 1450

Works Cited:

Qiu, Shanshan. “Spring Grass” Chapters 22-24

Shi, Leiyu. “Health care in China: a rural-urban comparison after the socioeconomic reforms” 1993, pp. 723-736

Zhaohua Zhang et. al., “Who are the Beneficiaries of China’s New Rural Pension Scheme? Sons, Daughters, or Parents?”, International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 2019.

Inequality between social classes is both a historical and modern issue, and the disparity between rural and urban communities in China over the last half century is one example of this quandary. The root of inequality gap is a nuanced issue, but majority of it stems back to the modernization of China’s coastal cities after the reform and open up (改革开放) , and housing registration systems imposed by the Chinese government during from 1950-1998 (Gaetano, 16). This led to a gap in the general quality of life between rural and urban China, which can be seen in Spring Grass’s destitution compared to city dwellers. In addition, the drastic increase in the employment of migrant workers as a cheap labor substitute starting in 1978 furthered this gap as migrant workers were subjected to unequal working conditions. The Chinese rural populations’ idolization of and unfamiliarity with the urban working lifestyle, and the cultural and historical stigmatizations regarding rigorous work expectations allowed the Chinese government and corporations to take advantage of cheaper labor from migrant workers, leading to the vast inequality gap between rural and urban districts. 

After the collapse of the Qing dynasty in 1911, China began to open up to the world as the modernization of coastal cities began. As these cities became more and more advanced, they were viewed as a “gateway to foreign lands” (Gaetano, 16), while rural towns were left behind. By 1950, there was already a wealth gap forming between the two geographic identities, which would only be exacerbated by household registration policies and the hiring of migrant workers. This led to the social desire to migrate from a rural town to an urban town, as seen in not only the great desire for hypergamous marriage during the 20th century (Zhou, 880), but also through Spring Grass. When her younger brother gets accepted into a top university in Beijing, which would ensure his eventual assimilation into the urban life, he was “turned into the object of everyone’s worship”, and it became an achievement “not just for the Mung family, but for the entire village” (QiuShan, 9.1). Spring Grass dreams constantly of escaping the village, and Rivers Ho also views the urban cities as a place of opportunity, swayed by the “capital idea” of selling quilts in the “world outside” (QiuShan, 11). From these three perspectives, the urban sphere is a separate and almost mystical realm to the rural population, representative of escape, freedom, and success. However, this is not always the case, as Rivers Ho and Spring Grass’s fantasy of urban life is far from reality. 

When Rivers Ho first visits his uncle, he is surprised at the size of their meager house, imagining an engineer like his uncle would “have a European-style villa, like in the movies” (QiuShan 12.6) as opposed to their small two bedroom house. This is not the only time he had his fantasy shattered by his first actual visit to city life, as he and Spring Grass learn the difficulty of starting a business without a license and communicating with customers in different dialects (QiuShan 13.4). In addition, many aspects of the city life are wildly unfamiliar to the pair, as seen in Spring Grass’s experience with her first train ride. She was sweating due to “fear, panic and anxiety” (QiuShan, 12.1) upon boarding the train, and even went so far as to scream in fright when the train entered the tunnel. In fact, the only thing puts her at ease is “helping the attendant sweep and mop” and tending to the other passengers (QiuShan, 12.4). This desire to work is reflective of a larger societal and historical stigma emphasizing the importance of labor.

Through a historical and cultural lense, Spring Grass’s personal extreme work ethic is reflective of a larger societal pressure. Her mother attempted to instill many traditional Chinese values, one of which is for a woman to have extremely demanding labor expectations on both the domestic and agricultural front. She is constantly harassed by her mother whenever she has a free moment to toil around the house, and this is instilled upon her, as in her young twenties she still has an exceptionally strong work ethic and desire for money, even going so far as to want to name her kids “Cash” and “Fortune” (QiuShan, 13.11). This can also be seen in modern China regarding the normalization of 996 (九九六), a work style in which labor is toil from nine am to nine pm, six days a week. This style of work-life was highly normalized, and is still prevalent today. Ma Yun, co-founder of Alibaba, even has gone so far to say that working a 996 workweek is a sign of good fortune for a young person. It is only in recent years that this work life has been brought under scrutiny, as it damages personal well-being.

The desire to escape rural districts, coupled with the unfamiliarity with urban work life and societal stigmas regarding work balance, allowed for the mass discrimination against migrant workers. 

In economic terms, due to those characteristics migrant workers had extremely high willingness to work, or very inelastic labor curves. This meant that corporations were able to set poor working conditions, lower pay, and other discriminatory practices specifically against migrant workers, and they would still accept jobs. Most migrant workers worked “3-D jobs”: jobs that were dangerous, dirty, and degrading (Gaetano, 21). Migrant women were often victims of sexual harassment and discrimination in domestic urban jobs, while men worked long arduous hours in dangerous factory jobs under unsafe conditions (Gaetano, 22). In fact, a survey in Hunan, Suchuan discovered that “migrant workers work twice that of their urban counterparts. But at the same time, they only receive 60% of urban workers’ average salary” (Jiang, 23). Although Spring Grass and Rivers Ho did turn a profit at the end of chapter 13, most migrant workers did not. A 2002 survey discovered that the average residency check for a migrant worker among a few coastal cities ranged between 500-1000 RMB, while the average migrant workers paycheck was only 539 RMB(Jiang, 25). This discrimination was also facilitated largely by social discrimination and government policies.

Social discrimination towards rural communities in China has ties even back to the early 20th century. The term for peasant (农民) developed around then, and began to carry negative connotations as cities became more advanced (Gaetano, 16). In terms of marriage, hypergamous couplings became extremely desirable among rural populations, but looked down upon by urban dwellers, as one’s hukou status was determined by one’s maternal parent. The hukou status was just one of many government policies that allowed for discrimination against migrant workers. Throughout the latter half of the 20th century, the Chinese government changed household registration systems and adjusted migrant worker laws in order to best fit what the Chinese economy required. Up until 1958, the restrictions regarding migrant workers were strictly controlled and enforced by the hukou system, and migrant workers were described as “leaving the land but not the home” (Jiang, 21). As the prosperity of this system became more and more apparent, corporations required more cheap labor, so the goal of housing registration policy shifted in the 1980’s to “leaving both the land and the home” (Jiang, 21), and finally in the late 1990’s as the full potential of the rapidly growing Chinese economy required more cheap labor, the goal of housing registration policy shifted lastly to one of “positive guidance” toward migrant workers. In economic terms, this greater usage of cheaper migrant workers is extremely logical. Chinese corporations get to undercut international prices, which drives up total revenue. In addition, urban families are granted more leisure time as more of the workload is dumped onto migrant workers, allowing urban families to spend more and stimulate the economy (Gaetano, 14). However, this economic growth built on the backs of migrant workers led to a vast inequality between rural and urban populations, not only seen in fiscal measurements but also through measurements of well-being.

Measurements of China’s inequality between rural and urban populations all tell a similar tale: the gap between the two social castes has been widening ever since the increased employment and discrimination of migrant workers by large city based corporations. China’s Gini-Coefficient, one of the most renowned measures of wealth inequality, has increased by more than 50%, while the Human Development Index (HDI), a measurement of wellbeing, shows that “regional imbalances are severe and growing” (Jiang, 17). 

Due largely in part to the rural Chinese dwelling citizens desire to escape to the cities, their unfamiliarity with urban work style, and social stigmas surrounding intense working hours, Chinese corporations were able to exploit and discriminate against migrant workers, facilitated by current housing registration laws. This led to a rapid increase in economic growth, but at the cost of a large inequality gap.

Word Count: 1480

Works Cited:

Qiu, Shanshan. “Spring Grass” Chapters 11-13

Jiang, Wenran. “Prosperity at the Expense of Equality: Migrant Workers are Falling Behind in Urban China’s Rise”, Confronting Discrimination and Inequality in China, pp. 16-29.

Gaetano, Arianne M. “Rural Women and Migration under Market Socialism”, Out to Work, pp. 14-27.

Zhou et. al. “The Gender Gap Among School Children in Poor Rural Areas of Western China: Evidence from a Multi-province Dataset”, International Journal for Equity and Health, pg 1-11

几代人的求学路——对于农民工及其子女受教育问题的电台访谈报道

1996年10月

文：仇若虹

(主持人：)各位听众朋友们大家好，这次本台记者将为大家呈现一则有关农民工子女受教育现状这一社会热点话题的报道。记者有机会采访到孟春草女士这位一代“打工妹”。在千千万万个农民工里，孟女士绝对不是最起眼的那个，但她仍有着传奇般的经历。她曾经二十多岁年纪轻轻就踏出第一步阔别家乡，在偏远的西北售卖丝绸起家，到后来转行做炒货，再屡经辗转到现在从事家政行业。即便没有丈夫的帮助，她仍然一个人撑起了整个家庭。她的努力和辛劳并非没有回报：今年9月，孟女士的一双儿女刚刚顺利进入小学。虽然孟女士自己没能顺利读完小学，她仍然为支持两个孩子的学业奋力拼搏，也为他们感到骄傲和自豪。下面我们就一起来看看这个这个真实家庭中发生的真实故事，一条横亘几代人的漫漫求学路。

春草身着西装外套，欣慰地看着儿女走进校门。《春草》，第三十一集，场景二十七，39:02.

春草的童年：短暂的学校生活

春草来自于海州城下辖的偏远的孟湾村，一个以手工绣艺和丝绸制品为祖传营生的小村庄，她的父母也都是勤恳的庄稼人。春草出生的时候上有两个哥哥，后来又有了一个弟弟。身为家中唯一的女孩，春草不得不负担起沉重的农活，打猪草，烧柴，缝补，扫洒，每天从清晨到深夜像陀螺似的转个不停。也正因如此忙碌，也因为春草母亲的不赞成，春草没能按时入学。但是春草没有轻易屈服，在看到好友们接二连三踏入小学之后，她便在自家院子里大闹绝食抗议，摆出一副“以死相争”的架势，甚至还因此落下了胃痛的病根。记者采访时，孟女士本人也笑着回忆道：“那时因为我的脾气，我姆妈总是喊我‘黄檀树根养媳妇精’呢。” 春草的抗议奏效了，她也背上了书包，并且在同龄人中成绩出类拔萃，还得到了一张“第一名”的奖状。孟女士专门从她的百宝箱里拿出并给我们展示了这张二十多年前的微微泛黄的奖状，可见她对此的珍视。虽然因为春草母亲的身体原因，春草总共只上了三个半月的学，但是这却在她心中埋下了对知识和上学的炽热的渴望和憧憬。

外出打工：激荡的十年

1986年，也就是十年前，抱着摆脱贫困的愿望与对美好未来的憧憬，以及生来第一次闯出家门的勇气，春草随丈夫何水远踏上了开往陕西的火车。他们在那里的一个小城里以做丝绸生意扎下了脚跟。二人从商场的铺面做起，渐渐发展起来开了一家小门面。据孟女士回忆，那时夫妇二人过得可气派了，从庄稼户变成了小老板，也成了他们梦寐以求的第一批“万元户”。可是好景不长，正当春草回老家生孩子时，她得知了丈夫在外上当受骗后出逃，并欠下了好几万的债务一事。春草并没有被困难打倒，她孤身一人去陕西携子寻夫，之后回到海州城，从挑担叫卖做起，最后与丈夫成功相遇一起开了桂花东街那家人尽皆知的“春草炒货”。在这期间，春草还为母亲支付了一大笔手术费，虽然身为女子却是她兄弟中出力最大的。然而，一波未平一波又起，春草一家因为股市投资又一次陷入经济危机，丈夫也又一次出门打工。春草不得不关掉炒货店，拖着两个孩子给单位做起了清洁工，随后又转行做起了一直做到现在的家政工作。虽然一个人撑起了整个家，春草却没有一丝怨言，脸上一直带着微笑。当记者问起孟女士为何能抱着如此乐观的态度生活并勤奋工作时，她回答：“都是为了孩子。”

下一代的求学路：孩子上学问题^[1]

（主持人：）现在我们来听听孟女士自己是如何看待下一代的求学之路的吧。

孟：  我不能垮呀，我得努力赚钱才能供我那两个小伢儿读书。我小时候没能读上书，我再怎么样也得让我的孩子们好好读，一直读下去，考上大学！

记者：原来如此。您是因为自己小学肄业才有让孩子们受教育的信念。孩子们入学的过程都还顺利吗？

孟：  多亏老天保佑，都还顺利。我之前给校长家…不说这个，他们进的是新光路小学，学校可气派了！我之前去他们那个什么仪式，还有大同学领着我家孩子进校门呢！我现在每天最享受的就是万万元元（注：两个双胞胎的名字）给我念书听。

记者：这样，真的很不错啊。您觉得外地户口的民工子女上学有什么特别的困难吗？

孟：  对，我觉得有。像我们这种家庭的小孩上学要多交一笔异地就读的增收费，金额可不小…不管怎么说，说是学费，可是一项一项的课本费、班费、体检费加起来就像山一样老高了…但是好在我在学校做临时工，孩子的代管班费可以免掉。

记者：确实听起来不容易啊。凭您现在的收入，能负担得了吗？孩子父亲不在还是会有困难吧？

孟：  孩子他爸出去打工了，路费贵也就不常回来。我一个人现在做两份家政，还给公司做夜餐，偶尔也打打杂，还算应付得来。现在想来，我一直以来都是这么拼过来的。我心想只要我这双手还灵便，这双腿还利索，总会有办法的。

记者：我明白了。您今后对孩子们有什么打算吗？

孟：  有，有！我要他们好好读书，留在城里，做城里人，一定要。

记者：为什么呢？

孟：  有时候我看着我的孩子，也不由得看到我自己的过去。我这一生就是因为没能有读书的机会，现在不识字，跟不上城里的节奏，只能做这种体力活的行业。我听人说过，知识改变命运，我一定要我的两个伢儿有知识，这样他们才能做更好的工作，生活得更舒服。他们要留在城里，农村里没有什么机会，在城里做得好了就能坐在家里也有人来送钞票…我没能上到的学，过上的生活，我一定要我的孩子们上到，过好…每次一想到这个，我心里就充满了干劲，我就更努力地做。

（主持人：）非常感谢孟女士的分享。随着经济的迅猛发展和城乡边界的模糊化，农民工及其子女受教育问题也逐渐成为了社会关注的热点。相信这个制度的完善还需要时间和我们共同的努力，让我们今后也继续关注这一话题。

总字数：2231

^[1] 本段形式特殊，为访谈内容的直接摘要。

何水远给春草的一封信

仇若虹

何水远最后一次给春草打电话。《春草》，第二十八集，场景二十七，34:06。

阿草，我走了。

这是我第二次给你写信。还记得我第一次给你写的信吗？十年前“等我七月考完试了再来找你”那封。我还记得呢，特别是清楚地记得我写那封信的时候的心情。当初我又紧张又担心，害怕你会发现我的谎言从而怨恨我，又害怕你会相信我然后一直徒劳地等待下去。我当时觉得很愧疚，觉得对你不公平，内心特别纠结，但却没有任何别的办法。那时的我不知道，这种窘迫的心情竟然给我们的关系定下了这样的大基调。

从我们在长途车上初遇开始我就很喜欢你。虽然你没读过书，但是很有主见很有自己的想法。你那时候反复劝说我应该去考大学，说你最尊敬有文化的人了。我看你眼神里的光是那么亮晶晶的，我就跟你说我要复读，说我爸是县中的老师，我姑妈在邮电局工作。我承认我不该骗你，可谁还没有点虚荣心呢？我一个大男人总得有点面子，有点尊严吧。这也不能算是错吧。果然，你后来看我的眼神更崇拜了，也跟我讲了很多你的故事。后来我们成亲时，我别提有多高兴了，心想着能和你这么心灵手巧的“贤内助”过上和和美美的日子了，可哪知天意弄人。

我不明白，为什么我就总是那么倒霉。我那年放弃高考第一次去城里进货做生意就上当受了骗，什么也没赚到。跟你结婚后一家子起早贪黑辛苦编竹篮，生活刚刚有点盼头了，一场大火就卷走了我们的全部积蓄。我劝自己“塞翁失马，焉知非福”，跟你挤火车去陕西开丝绸店一点一滴积累成了“万元户”；我满心期盼着想做得更大做得更好就动了做煤炭生意的念头，哪知道那个可恶的老陕骗了我，害得我妻离子散。这次我们好不容易重逢，我计划着终于能有机会大展身手了，心想要赚大钱就要担点风险，就把钱全投在了股票上，最后却落到血本无归。我没做错呀，可为什么就只有我这么倒霉呢！为什么所有不幸就偏偏找上了我呢！

阿草，跟你比起来，我真觉得很气馁。这些年来你一直都在进步，我觉得我总是在原地踏步。去陕西的第一天你就找到了摆摊位置，我却什么进展也没有。我真是觉得奇怪，明明我才是了不起的高中生呀，你不是也一直觉得我四个字四个字地说成语的时候特别厉害吗？但为什么我却总是搞砸呢？我们分别之后你从一个人挑担卖炒货发展到开起像样的铺面还存下钱，勤勤恳恳一步一个脚印，我却感觉我渐渐跟不上你的脚步了，一直被你带着走。现在的你变得八面玲珑，熟谙人情世故经商道理，我却一事无成。你已经不是当初长途车上那个害羞单纯的姑娘了，那时的你眼神清澈得一望到底，我一下子就看懂你了。现在你的眼睛变得深邃又老练，带着生活的沧桑，我看不懂了。

阿草，说实在的，在你身边我永远都感觉抬不起头。你之前给你姆妈付手术费的时候，我可是一肚子怨气委屈没处发泄。我不明白，我在家里怎么就这么没话语权了呢？我知道你一年到头一刻不停地忙碌，从早晨起来烧炉子制备炒货，带孩子，烧饭，打扫卫生，撑起了一个家是很辛苦，但是这五千块钱可不是你一个人的，是咱们俩的共同财产啊！我给家里的一千块可是事先跟你好好商量过的，你却一句也不问我的意见，让我觉得特别沮丧。我又想到我姆妈去世的时候，我还在外面担惊受怕地躲着，都没能见到她最后一面，我可是家里的长子啊！你姆妈还有那么多儿子呢……这赤裸裸的差距摆在眼前，让我觉得心里特别不是滋味，但却有苦无处言。上次我想租铺子你追汽车拦我那件事也是一样，我终于觉得自己找到了一个好机会，都已经胸有成竹了，难不成就兴我老触霉头，不兴我运气好一次？可到最后关头你还是给娄大哥打了电话，把我给拦住了！我一个大男人，凭什么每次我想施展一番，想做主一次的时候就都是错的，凭什么你就都是对的？你，还有你那个娄大哥！我彻底灰心丧气了。

说到这，我觉得身为丈夫我也过得够窝囊的。阿草，自从你上外面打拼之后，我就觉得你不需要我了，嫌弃我了。我之前向你添油加醋地说凤娟小吃店的老板对我如何如何好，不就是想要你吃吃醋，想要确认你还很在乎我吗！可你倒好，一副毫不在意的样子，坦坦荡荡的口气反而把我怼得噎住了。我威胁你说要上外面找别的女人，但连这都不管用了。你老是拿我跟各种各样的人比，比娄大哥，比孙经理，甚至比你们村那个没文化的阿明！我堂堂大丈夫脸上哪儿搁？我的自尊在你身边都消失殆尽了。你再也不会用那种崇拜的眼神仰视着我了，我觉得你从我的世界里飞了出去，飞得很高很远，我抓不住了。可是阿珍不嫌弃我，她会对我说的话极尽恭维，还会对我露出仰慕的微笑。我在她身上找到了久违的温暖。我觉得在她身边我又是一个大男人了。不过阿草你可别误会，这可不是我的错，是她总是惹我，我也是没法子才……

阿草，我承认我这么抛下你和孩子一走了之是逃避现实，是有点不负责任。我没脸回家见你。我现在的心情就跟我给你写第一封信时一样，愧疚、又有些纠结。我有点儿想自暴自弃了，我也累了，对于生活也对于咱们的关系有点心灰意冷。阿珍说她父亲在新疆做葵花籽生意，我想就先去那边试试看吧。我一定会在新疆挣到钱，做出一番事业给你看！我们的孩子我也一定会挂在心里，给他们按时寄学费……阿草，我一定会给你们一个交代的！阿草，你不要太怨我。

阿远

总字数：2029字

歧视与不公平待遇：春草夫妇与普通民工经历异同

仇若虹

上个世纪八十年代，千千万万的农村青年男女背起行囊，从他们的故乡启程，怀揣着梦想前往一座座远方的城市。在他们眼中，“进城打工”是一件能够改变命运的事，能让他们的社会地位大大提升，也能让他们轻松赚到大钱过上好日子。然而，现实却常常与他们的期盼大相径庭。来到城市之后，这些农民工们往往会因为他们的身份而遭受许多歧视与不公。孟春草夫妇也是一样。一场大火逼着这对夫妻坐上了开往远方的火车，也同样逼着他们去面对身在异乡的种种困难与挫折。本文将依据学者文献总结分析农民工在城市遇到的歧视与不公，并以此为基础重点分析春草夫妇的打工经历——与普通农民工相比，他们的经历在有些地方有着本质上的不同，但也有不少相似之处。

“农民工”是一个在特定历史时代背景下产生的词语，泛指在外地打工的农村人。他们有着农业户口却进城谋生，普遍比较年轻，根据学者Wenran Jiang的文章，百分之六十一的农民工年龄都在十六到三十岁之间（21）。他们的学历不高，大部分只有初中学历，并且大都是由亲戚朋友帮忙介绍的工作，而非通过正规组织渠找到的工作。这些农民工们一般前往东部沿海城市在制造业、建筑行业或服务业打工。其中的一部分是“候鸟”，既负责乡间农活又进城打工，在农村和城市间辗转奔波不息。

这些农民工在城市里遭受着多种多样的歧视。因为没有城市的户籍，他们没有权利享受必要的社会保障和工伤保险，也不能做正规或者长期的工作；他们通常做着最苦最累最危险的活，比城市工人多工作两倍时长，然而平均下来时薪却只有城市工的四分之一（23）；再者，因为农民工很少签工作合同，他们往往缺乏法律依据来捍卫自己的工资，很有可能辛劳血汗都打了水漂；在生活条件这方面上，农民工们则需要支付高昂的费用来置办各类工作、住房、健康许可证；他们还需要为子女支付额外的“转学费”，自己却没有时间关心孩子的教育（25）。

春草和何水远也正是一对普普通通的打工夫妇：踏出家门那年春草二十五岁，何水远才二十二岁；他们俩的学历都不算很高，尤其是春草都没有读完小学；他们也没有通过正规渠道找工作，只有一个素未谋面的远房表舅。一开始，他们也遇到了很多困难，切身感受到了这座陌生的城市对异乡人的排外和当头一棒：言语上，春草不会说普通话，最初她的南方口音给她与顾客的沟通带来了不少麻烦；二人初来乍到，对城里的规章制度完全不了解，以至于被城管没收了货品，吃了些苦头；春草夫妇在经济上起初也十分窘迫，以至于不得不寄人篱下仰人鼻息……但是渐渐地他们的日子开始蒸蒸日上，以至于不到半年的时间内竟然攒了超过两千元。

我认为大致有两个原因让他们的日子变得逐渐优渥起来。首当其冲的就是春草的性格与才能。比起何水远的死板木讷，春草热情健谈，灵活变通，并且懂得人情世故。面对冷淡刻薄的表舅妈，春草始终以笑脸相待，刚一见面就递上伴手礼，之后也一直帮忙做各种家务，还主动送上一床被面；面对难说话的商场经理，春草知道“往他口袋里塞五十块钱”，也积极自发地帮着其他员工收银，给他们打折。但春草也很果断精明。在表舅妈帮忙卖出的价格不合适时，比起何水远的优柔寡断，她懂得及时止损另做打算。春草这样刚柔并济、拿得起放得下的品质，帮助二人在城里扎下了门户，站稳了脚跟。另一个很关键的原因与春草夫妇工作的本质有关，他们的工作形式使得他们免受了很多歧视和不公平待遇。农民工很多时候遭受的不公都来源于与上级资本的利益冲突，比如前文所述的强制加班过劳，拖欠或恶意压低工资，因合同保险的缺失导致的一系列纠纷等等。但春草夫妇不管是摆地摊卖货、在商场租柜面卖货还是开门面卖货，都是作为直接经营者一手处理监管所有的交易过程。换句话说，他们自己就是自己的“老板”，所以能够免受一些来自他人的压榨。故而虽然他们做的是利润并不很高的小本生意，总体上来说还是幸运的。

但即便春草夫妇比起一般农民工是幸运的，春草本人还是无法逃脱一个无处不在的赤裸裸的歧视——社会对于女性的歧视与压迫。根据学者Gaetano的文章，女性农民工相比于男性民工忍受了更多的不公。她们通常只能蜗居在家，成为她们男性伴侣的附属品；即使她们外出工作，很多时候也只能从事体力活或者性工作，并拿着比男农民工少很多的工资（23）。这背后的原因简单得可笑却又荒唐得可悲：她们没有文化，所以无法从事很多职业。农民工们都来自于经济更落后、性别不平等比起城市更加严重的农村，所以他们当中受过教育的女性便更是微乎其微。这在农村本并不是一个很大的问题：农村妇女一般不太需要知识文化，她们每日的职责就是洗衣做饭绣花喂猪；另一方面，城市女性相比之下受过更多的教育，所以她们在需要一定文化水平的城市里生活也没有太大问题。这两种逻辑都是自洽的。可恰恰女农民工是农村的女性来到了城市——一个没有知识文化的人来到了一个需要知识文化的地方——于是社会压迫女性受教育权的恶劣后果便在这个场景下精准地被放大了，使得农民工的性别不平等问题比城市人口或农村人口的性别不平等问题都来得更加严重。春草没法自己做很多事情，要强能干如她，却连写一个价码牌这种基本的事都需要依靠何水远。

时至三十多年后的今日，中国城市中对于农民工的歧视和区别待遇仍然普遍存在，而这一社会问题也没有因为生产力与科技的进步得到多少缓解。学者Wenran Jiang认为，除非中国调整发展策略、工业结构与货币政策，农民工问题不会得到根本性的解决（27）。我认为，除了Jiang所主张的客观因素的制约，导致农民工受到不公待遇的另一大原因在于主观的人性。农民工的穷困、尴尬的外地口音以及无权无势刺激了人性中恶的部分——贪婪以及对弱势群体的鄙夷和排外——而这种宏大的趋势并不是像春草一样的个体可以轻易逆转的。

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引用文献：

Gaetano, Arianne M. “Rural Women and Migration under Market Socialism.” Out to      Work: Migration, Gender, and the Changing Lives of Rural Women in Contemporary China, University of Hawai’i Press, 2015, pp. 14–27. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13x1k1r.5. Accessed 30 Nov. 2023.

Jiang, Wenran. “Prosperity at the Expense of Equality: Migrant Workers Are Falling Behind in Urban China’s Rise.” Confronting Discrimination and Inequality in China: Chinese and Canadian Perspectives, edited by Erroi P. Mendes and Sakunthala Srighanthan, University of Ottawa Press, 2009, pp. 16–29. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1ckpdk1.7. Accessed 30 Nov. 2023.