In the wake of China’s transformative economic liberalization, known as “gaige kaifang,” the late 20th century witnessed a surge in internal migration from the rural heartlands to the budding urban city centers. With labor no longer confined by the demands of the centrally planned economy, individuals swarmed Chinese cities in search of better and more lucrative job opportunities, along with the tacit aspiration of becoming an urbanite themselves. Alarmingly, a 2013 report unveiled a disconcerting reality– among the 105.5 million children of migrant families, a staggering 61 million found themselves left behind by their parents (Tong et al. 1). This stark phenomenon, commonly referred to as “left-behind children,” has evolved into a pressing concern in post-reform China.
These left-behind children find themselves stranded in their rural villages, entirely assuming the responsibility of self-care. Older children are also responsible for tending to the needs of their siblings and any elderly family members. While these children continue to pursue an education in the hopes of building a better life for themselves, their parents toil in urban cities to secure a meager livelihood. Most children only see their parents once a year for a fleeting few days during the Spring Festival. However, this is a comparatively fortunate outcome, given that certain parents entirely relinquish ties, as is the case with Liang Ming Zhao (Foreign Correspondent). In the novel, as she embarks on her quest to locate Rivers Ho, Spring Grass also leaves behind one of her two children (Qiu 17.12). Having lost his mother, Richie becomes one of the several million left-behind children of China.
It is hardly possible to truly encapsulate the effect on left-behind children who have grown up almost entirely devoid of parental support and affection. In terms of physical health, left-behind children exhibit poor conditions with stunted growth and greater susceptibility to illnesses such as anemia (Foreign Correspondent), a direct result of poor nutritional intake. Just as importantly, the absence of a parental figure takes an enormous mental toll. The left-behind children phenomenon is responsible for an entire generation with low self-esteem, poor psychosocial wellbeing, and social withdrawal (Tong et al. 2). Having never been told that they are valuable and loved, these children struggle to accept love and appreciation. This is visible in Richie’s refusal to call Spring Grass “momma” and disallowing her to hold him (Qiu 22.5). The Foreign Correspondent further visualizes this heartbreaking reality and emphasizes the emotional duress, especially among older siblings, as a result of assuming responsibility for themselves, their siblings, and grandparents from as young as the age of ten. Furthermore, the effect of having been left behind will continue to haunt these children for the rest of their lives, not only in the form of emotional trauma but also in terms of the possibility of a plunge into juvenile crimes (Foreign Correspondent).
Despite the harsh consequences faced by their children, parents are forced to leave them behind. The decision to leave their children in their rural homes, rather than relocate with them, is largely influenced by the parents’ expected living conditions within the urban landscape. While there are several interlinked factors responsible for the “left-behind children” phenomenon, there are four in particular that largely dictate parents’ choices– housing conditions, family income, the cost of living, and childcare. Firstly, migrant workers almost exclusively hold menial jobs that provide minimal job security. As a result, they are often required to relocate between residences, if not cities. The uncertainty shrouding their housing conditions dissuades parents from bringing their children with them. As seen with Spring Grass and Rivers Ho, in their urban quests they first found themselves in Shaanxi, and now in Haizhou. Within each of these cities, the couple relocated multiple times–the residence of family members, cheap guest houses, shared hostel rooms, and most recently a shack.
Secondly, family income at the urban destination serves as another significant factor in curbing parents’ ability to relocate with children (Tong et al. 14). As a result of regional discrimination, migrant workers work twice as long as their urban counterparts yet are paid only 60 percent of the average urban workers’ salary (Jiang 23). As such, migrant parents are paid meager wages barely enough to sustain themselves, much less cater to their children. Lower family income also dictates poor housing conditions– the average living area for migrant families is 30-60 square meters (Tong et al. 13). Spring Grass’s 6-7 square meter shack serves as a more dire depiction of a migrant worker’s circumstances (Qiu 20.1). Given the Chinese economy’s reliance on cheap migrant labor, individuals are typically employed on a piece-rate basis that dictates a salary based on the output generated and subsequently the number of hours worked. As such, parents likely make the choice to leave children behind to mitigate the conflict between working long works to maximize their income and fulfilling parental duties (Tong et al. 14).
Additionally, the higher cost of living, particularly in eastern urban centers further limits the ability of parents to relocate with children. Most individuals tend to migrate to the developed cities in Eastern China– while there may be greater job opportunities in these regions, the cost of schooling and housing is higher than in other parts of the country (Tong et al. 13). As one of Gaetano’s informants, Ruolan, notes, moving away from Beijing significantly decreased her monthly expenditure (Gaetano 116). Therefore, adding to an already stifled income, the exorbitant prices of necessities further impair parents from bringing their children to urban areas.
Finally, the “left-behind children” phenomenon is further exacerbated by the scarcity of accessible childcare, particularly education, for migrant families (Gaetano 124). As migrant workers maximize work hours for income, they are unable to entirely fulfill their parental responsibilities. This is exemplified by Spring Grass’s decision to leave Penny at the hostel with Sister Zhang (Qiu 18.1), in essence, temporarily rendering her as a left-behind child too. Despite the heightened importance of childcare and educational services for migrant families, access remains elusive due to the imposition of illicit fees levied on nonresidents (Gaetano 116). If migrant families do opt to relocate with their children, the burden of childcare is overwhelmingly shouldered by migrant mothers. This is depicted as Spring Grass chooses to bring Penny along with her to Haizhou but is entirely responsible for her needs while Rivers Ho maintains his job at a restaurant. Moreover, exorbitant healthcare costs at urban hospitals (Gaetano 125), further dissuade migrant families from keeping their children with them.
The living conditions of migrant workers in urban landscapes, and subsequently each of these factors, are overwhelmingly tied to the Chinese housing registration system– hukou. The agricultural or rural hukou, allows employers to exploit migrant workers and pay paltry wages which in turn lead to poor housing conditions, the lack of job security and domesticity, as well as the inability to sustain an urban life with their children. Similarly, while the cost of living in urban centers is undeniably higher than in the rural countryside or small cities, the agricultural hukou further exacerbates these costs. Migrant workers are ineligible for subsidized housing (Tong et al. 2) and are required to pay an “arbitrary and illicit” tuition fee to admit their children to urban schools (Gaetano 116). As such, the dual social structure instituted by the hukou system is responsible for the left-behind children in rural China.
Therefore, in order to prevent the fragmentation of countless migrant families and remedy the “left-behind children” phenomenon, it is imperative for the Chinese government to strictly enforce a reform in the housing registration system. Increasing the ease of hukou transferability and subsequently the access to equal wages (in comparison to urban counterparts), along with access to education and healthcare will allow parents to relocate with their children more feasibly. In addition, social workers must be encouraged and supported to rehabilitate estranged children and reconnect them with their parents. Simultaneously, the government must seek to broaden employment opportunities and social welfare systems in the Chinese countryside in order to mitigate the compulsion of urban migration. In theory, post-reform China promotes the “small family ideal” and emphasizes the need for close parental support (Gaetano 115), however, to truly realize this outcome, the government must embrace immediate reform.
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Work-Cited:
Foreign Correspondent, “The Young Generation Left Behind in China” (Documentary)
Gaetano, Arianne M. “Migrant Working Wives and Mothers”, Out to Work, University of Hawai’i Press, pp. 99-129
Jiang, Wenran. “Prosperity at the Expense of Equality: Migrant Workers are Falling Behind in Urban China’s Rise”, Confronting Discrimination and Inequality in China, University of Ottawa Press, pp. 16-29
Qiu, Shanshan. “Spring Grass”, Chapters 17-22
Tong L, Yan Q, Kawachi I. “The factors associated with being left-behind children in China: Multilevel analysis with nationally representative data.”, 2019, PLoS ONE 14 (11): e0224205