Stepping into the Archives: Sources

Amazon Quarterly, vol. 3 issue 2. March 1975.

Big Mama Rag, vol 3 issue 7. August 1975.

Chrysalis, no. 7. 1979.

Cliff, Michelle and Adrienne Rich. “Contributors’ Notes” Sinister Wisdom, no. 16,

Spring 1981, p115

Conant, Holly Lu. “Disunited Nations” Sinister Wisdom, no. 4, Fall 1977, p 22.

Conant, Holly Lu. Sinister Wisdom, no. 5, Winter 1978, p 80.

Conditions, no. 2, October 1977.

Courtot, Martha. “The Snake Woman” Sinister Wisdom, no. 6, Fall 1978, p 100.

Courtot, Martha. “The Woman Who Lives With Owls” Sinister Wisdom, no. 9, Spring 1979,

p48-49

“Danae in Greek Mythology” Greek Legends and Myths, Greek Legends and Myths. N.d. Web. 5

December 2021  <https://www.greeklegendsandmyths.com/danae.html>

Desmoines, Harriet and Catherine Nicholson. “Contributors” Sinister Wisdom, no. 3, Spring

1977, p103

Desmoines, Harriet and Catherine Nicholson. “Contributors” Sinister Wisdom, no. 4, Fall 1977,

p95

Desmoines, Harriet and Catherine Nicholson. “Contributors” Sinister Wisdom, no. 8, Winter

1979, p103

Desmoines, Harriet and Catherine Nicholson. “Contributors’ Notes” Sinister Wisdom, no. 5,

Winter 1978,  p103

Gill, N.S. “Biography of Helen of Troy, Cause of the Trojan War.” ThoughtCo.,ThoughtCo,. 15

May 2019. Web. 5 December 2021 <https://www.thoughtco.com/helen-of-troy-historical-profile-112866>

Heresies: A Feminist Publication on Art & Politics. vol 1 issue 3. Fall 1977.

Heresies: A Feminist Publication on Art & Politics. vol 2 issue 1. Spring 1978.

“Io” Encyclopedia Britannica, Encyclopedia Britannica. n.d. Web. 5 December 2021

<https://www.britannica.com/topic/Io-Greek-mythology>

Lapidus, Jacqueline. “Thirteenth Moon” Sinister Wisdom, no. 9, Spring 1979, p 12.

Lavender Woman, vol. 3 issue 3, May 1974.

Lavender Woman, vol. 3 issue 5, July 1974.

Lavender Woman, vol. 4 issue 2, April 1975.

Linden, Robin Ruth. Sinister Wisdom, no. 8, January 1979, p 22.

McDaniel, Judith. “Circe’s Cup” Sinister Wisdom, no. 3, Spring 1977. p 44.

McDaniel, Judith. “Is There Room For Me In The Closet Or My Life As The Only Lesbian

Professor” Heresies: A Feminist Publication on Art & Politics, vol. 2 issue 3, Spring

1979, p36

Sinister Wisdom, no. 2, Fall 1976.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 3, Spring 1977.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 4, Fall 1977.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 5, Winter 1978.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 6, Fall 1978.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 8, Winter 1979.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 9, Spring 1979.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 11, Fall 1979.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 13, Spring 1980.

Sinister Wisdom, no. 16, Spring 1981.

Quest, vol 1 issue 3, Winter 1975.

WomanSpirit, vol. 2 issue 6, December 1975.

WomanSpirit, vol. 2 issue 7, Spring 1976.

WomanSpirit, vol. 8 issue 24, Summer 1980.

Women, vol 3. issue 2, January 1974.

“The Addict.” Live or Die, 1966.

The last stanza of the poem, "The Addict," by Anne Sexton.

The final stanza of “The Addict,” a poem by Anne Sexton published in the collection Live or Die in 1966. The poem is about a woman who becomes addicted to tranquilizers and cannot recover.

In “The Addict,” a lyric poem by Anne Sexton, an icon of Second-Wave Feminism, a woman becomes addicted to tranquilizers and slips into unconsciousness. At the beginning of the poem, published in the collection Live or Die (1966), the narrator is already addicted, as she takes “eight [pills] at a time from sweet pharmaceutical bottles” (Sexton line 4). The narrator denies her addiction, claiming that she’s “merely staying in shape,” which mirrors the false abilities of such drugs that physicians promoted, yet she admits that she’s “becoming somewhat of a chemical mixture” (14, 23-24). This indecisiveness is present throughout the stanzas of the poem: the narrator is so subdued by the drugs she’s addicted to that she cannot discern whether or not she is addicted to the drugs. In the fourth stanza, the vivid metaphor, “It’s a kind of war / where I plant bombs inside / of myself” indicates that the narrator knows that she is endangering herself, yet in the sixth stanza, she compares her pills to the much more favorable “eight chemical kisses” (32-34, 54). However, these kisses are not kisses of love but of death, which is communicated by the final three lines, “Fee-fi-fo-fum – / Now I’m borrowed. Now I’m numb:” the pills have won (58-60). Sexton concludes on this note of loss of bodily autonomy and control to explicitly warn her female audience of the threat tranquilizers pose to their bodies and their capacity for self-awareness.

Work Cited:

Sexton, Anne. “The Addict.” Live or Die: Poems, e-book ed., New York City, Open Road Integrated Media, 2016, pp. 91-92.

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“35, Single and Psychoneurotic.” Everywoman, 1970.

Everywoman, a newspaper published bimonthly in Los Angeles from May 1970 to April 1972, republished advertisements from other publications in order to expose expectations of patriarchal society. On the second page of the fourth issue of Everywoman, a Valium advertisement with the text “35, single and psychoneurotic” appears.

An ad for Valium

An advertisement for Valium titled, “35, Single and Psychoneurotic” by Claudia Morrow, published in the June 1970 issue of Everywoman. Reprinted from another publication and overlaid with an editorial note, the ad is portrayed as misogynistic and the drug as dangerous.

The ad includes six snapshots of a woman on vacation, accompanied by a story about an “unmarried with low self-esteem” woman named Jan who is in a “losing pattern” and is afraid she will never get married (“35, Single” 2). This ad is ridiculously misogynistic, as it is centered on the notion that women embody such a strong and innate desire to be married to a man that they enter depressive states as a result, which suggests that women are codependent to the point of needing treatment. Of course, the solution to a “neurotic sense of failure, guilt, [and] loss” is Valium, which is portrayed as a cure-all for all “psychoneurotic” states (2). Originally appearing in other publications, the ad tempts women into treating their troubles with a strong, highly addictive tranquilizer guaranteed to render them docile and complaisant. Reprinted in Everywoman alongside an editorial note that sarcastically reads “Valium does it again!,” however, subverts the original message of the advertisement, revealing that women should be wary of pharmaceutical solutions like Valium and similar drugs that claim to free women from woes that patriarchal society first creates and then dictates that they endure (2).

Work Cited:

“35, Single and Psychoneurotic.” Everywoman, vol. 1, no. 4, 10 July 1970, p. 2. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/community.28036099. Accessed 17 Nov. 2021.

Posted in Leo

“Sister – Woman – Sister.” New Woman’s Times, 1977.

In volume three, issue nine of New Woman’s Times, readers – referred to as “sisters” – of the periodical write in to narrate their experiences with prescribed tranquilizers to warn other readers about both the drugs and the physicians who attempt to prescribe them. A pregnant “Sister #1,” after having been beaten by her husband, tells her gynecologist about the domestic abuse she has suffered, only to be told by the physician to “relax more” as she is written a prescription for tranquilizers (Sojourner 8).

Three readers sharing their experiences with prescription medication and abuse.

Three “sisters” describe their experiences with prescribed tranquilizers in the article, “Sister – Woman – Sister” by Mary Sojourner, published in the September 1977 issue of New Woman’s Times.

In addition to compelling graphic imagery, the anecdote offered by “Sister #1” increases its persuasiveness through the inclusion of an expert opinion: “Peggy McGarry, Director for a Philadelphia program for battered wives, said doctors almost universally prescribe tranquilizers for women who confide that their husbands beat them” (8). Following the story of “Sister #1,” “Sister #2” reports on an ad for Placidyl, a “short-term neurotic,” which describes a woman overwhelmed by all of life’s difficulties (8). “Sister #3” struggles with romantic troubles and depression, followed by an episode of shock after her psychiatrist neglects to warn her not to drink alcohol while on prescribed Valium and Triavil (8). Finally, “Sister #4” describes a friend of 85 years, who was sent to a nursing home despite her protests and drugged with “Stelazine, a powerful tranquilizer not recommended for use with the elderly” until her eventual death from overdose (8). These anecdotes, accompanied by an article that elaborates on the culture of drug pushers from advertisements to physicians, personalize issues of addiction and inform the audience of the threat of tranquilizers.

Work Cited:

Sojourner, Nancy. “Sister – Woman – Sister.” New Women’s Times, vol. 3, no. 9, Sept.-Oct. 1977, pp. 8-10. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/community.28041298.

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“Princess Valium Meets Shrink Think.” Everywoman, 1970.

Written by former psychologist Sylvia Hartman, “Princess Valium Meets Shrink Think,” published in Everywoman, defines Valium as both a tranquilizer and threat to individual freedom, and explains how psychiatrists arbitrarily prescribe the drugs to women through the sexist “Draw-a-Person” test. The article begins with an ad which depicts a “Draw-a-Person” test, and describes it as “a psychiatric diagnostic tool” that allows psychiatrists to determine whether or not a patient should be prescribed Valium (Hartman 1). Hartman dismantles the credibility of the “test,” but warns her audience that despite the ridiculousness of “shrink think,” they might be asked to “‘Draw a person, a whole person,” and lays out the method for “psyching-out [a] psychologist” (8). In a tongue-in-cheek tone, Hartman explains how to avoid being prescribed Valium by drawing parts of the body correctly, which includes “put[ting] junk around the eyes,” “mak[ing] the hair neat,” and “keeping the hands away from the body…but not TOO far away” (8). Each of these examples is an opportunity for Hartman to sarcastically point out the ridiculousness of the test. For example, she recommends avoiding shading, as that would be an opportunity for a psychiatrist to conclude that a patient “sees a ray of hope and has confidence that her future will be bright and sunny,” a state of mind that would certainly be treated with Valium (8).

An annotated image of a Playboy Bunny

Drawing a Playboy Bunny: the optimal way to take a “Draw-a-Person” test, as detailed by Sylvia Hartman in the May 1970 issue of Everywoman.

The article concludes with an illustration of the ideal way to take the “Draw-a-Person” test, a woman who is ironically a Playboy Bunny (10). Through humor and critique, Hartman reaches the audience of Everywoman and warns women of Valium and “shrink think” while simultaneously critiquing other patriarchal norms.

Work Cited:

Hartman, Sylvia. “Princess Valium Meets Shrink Think.” Everywoman, vol. 1, no. 2, 29 May 1970, pp. 1+. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/community.28036097.

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“Men Get Cured… Women Get Drugged.” Her-self, 1974.

Accompanied by advertisements for common prescription tranquilizers such as Stelazine, Librium, and Pavabid, an article by Michael Castleman of the Free People’s Clinic in the April 1974 issue of Her-self shares statistics that reveal the extent to which women, on average, take tranquilizers more than men. According to Castleman, “of the staggering 40% of adult Americans who take mood-altering drugs regularly, women outnumber men two to one” (12). To explain why women are consuming drugs at a higher rate, Castleman cites a study by Dr. Lind Fidell, a psychologist at the California State University at Northridge. Dr. Fidell finds that, “physicians tend to take their male patients’ symptoms of illness more seriously than those of their female patients,” who were more often stereotyped as hypochondriacs, and that 75% of ads for mood-altering drugs in the magazine Modern Medicine depicted women as likely beneficiaries of medication, convincing psychiatrists to target women (Castleman 12).

An article, titled "Men get cured... Women get drugged," revealing how woman are discriminatorily prescribed tranquilizers.

An article, “Men get cured… Women get drugged” by Michael Castleman, published alongside ads for prescription sedatives in the May 1976 issue of Her-self. In the article, Castleman shares statistics on tranquilizer abuse that reveal that addiction is a feminist issue.

The inclusion of these and similar statistics supports the stories of women, and illustrates with concrete data the dangers of prescription tranquilizers. Castleman concludes the article with his observations of similarities between ads for tranquilizers: “all of these ads have strong Freudian overtones: women are hysterical; it’s all in their heads; women can’t cope; they don’t know what’s good for them [but] luckily, their god-like male doctors do” (13). Juxtaposing ads and statistics that undermine them, this summation by Castleman, an expert in the medical industry and advocate for patients rights, reveals the misogynistic tactics of the pharmaceutical industry – from drug company to psychiatrist – that convince women that the cure is always a company’s tranquilizer.

Work Cited:

Castleman, Michael. “Men Get Cured… Women Get Drugged.” Her-self, vol. 3, no. 1, Apr. 1974, pp. 12-13. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/community.28038343.

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“Simplified Version of a Woman’s Life.” Her-self, 1975.

A poem by Claudia Morrow from the point of view of a Valium addict.

A poem, “Simplified Version of a Woman’s Life,” by Claudia Morrow, published in the May 1975 issue of Her-self. The poem details how a woman’s evolving relationship with a benzodiazepine, Valium, affects her autonomy.

Published in the initial issue of the fourth volume of Her-Self, the poem “Simplified Version of a Woman’s Life” by Claudia Morrow tells a story of a young girl transformed into an object to be married with the help of Valium. In the first stanza, the narrator reminisces about the freedom of childhood through vibrant imagery, “look[ing] for movement / in mosaics / of leaves” and “watch[ing] the leaves / of Tullys’ fruit trees / sift the glow / of the red, summer sun” (Morrow 18). Through her awareness and observations of the world, the narrator is free. Transitioning into the second stanza, the narrator matures into adulthood and the world becomes harsher: her father says he “wouldn’t have married a smart-ass woman,” implying that the narrator needs to outgrow her freedom and become suitable for marriage while “the earth cool[s], [and] close[s] its lactic pores” (18). The misogynistic portrayal of the narrator as a commodity to be married renders the narrator a “cow woman,” and her body a dowry (18). Through an extended bovine metaphor, the narrator is “fattened on boiled hay” and forced to “suckle a myth / of dried bones / and Valium” (18). In other words, she is prepared for marriage, and is unable to observe the world, or maintain agency within her circumstances, as a result of having been sedated. The final stanza begins with the lines, “Women’s winter isn’t over. We’re still locked / in iron-rib stanchions” referencing both the shackles of prescription tranquilizers and the greater oppression of women (18). The poem ends on a powerful message of hope, as the narrator gradually comes out of her docile state, “remember[ing] how to move,” “stretching atrophied muscles,” and “mend[ing] spiritual tendons” (18). In this final stanza, the narrator rediscovers her will to fight the oppression that was prescribed, both by her doctor and patriarchal society. Ultimately, she avoids the more dire fate of Anne Sexton’s narrator in “The Addict” – perhaps, in part, thanks to the personal narratives, poetry, visual imagery, and relevant research that warned against tranquilizer abuse in second-wave feminist publications.

Work Cited:

Morrow, Claudia. “Simplified Version of a Woman’s Life.” Her-self, vol. 4, no. 1, May 1975, p. 18. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/community.28038351.

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Reproductive Rights for Every Woman

Until the Supreme Court verdict of Roe v. Wade in 1973, abortion was illegal in the United States. However, the law did not stop black market procedures. Although impossible to report exact numbers, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) estimated in 2014, that 1.2 million U.S. women had an illegal abortion each year, causing as many as 5,000 annual maternal deaths (Davis 117). In the book, The American Woman’s Movement, Margaret Cerullo’s “Hidden History: An Illegal Abortion” illustrates the dangerous reality of these unregulated back-alley abortions (Cerullo 1). Women were transported to unknown locations and had procedures performed on them by strangers who may or may not have had a medical degree. Cerullo met a “man carrying groceries, [and] went off with him to his car.” She then encountered a strange man wearing a mask who performed the sterilization. After the procedure, she realized that she was “a woman, not a ‘human being.’” At that moment, she understood that she lacked reproductive freedom and therefore a basic human right.

Lucille Clifton’s “the lost baby poem” was published in 1971 in the Vol. 12 Issue 1. of the Massachusetts Review. In the poem, the speaker reflects on her decision to have an abortion years after the event.

Reproductive rights became one of the major issues of the Second Wave Feminist Movement. The ability to have agency over one’s body was cited as one of the most important steps in gaining freedom for women. Feminists lobbied for laws that granted access to safe and legal abortions. They published literature to raise awareness and create community. They worked with hospitals and doctors to help develop comprehensive female health policies and practices. Groups formed and people protested.

Feminists did not only rally for health rights. At the same time, they explored the extremely heavy burden on the individual woman that comes with abortion and the complexity of the decision. In particular, women began to share their personal experiences through the medium of poetry. In Lucille Clifton’s “the lost baby poem,” published in 1971 in Vol. 12 Issue 1. of the Massachusetts Review, the speaker reflects on her decision to have an abortion years after the event (Clifton 9). The Massachusetts Review is an independent quarterly journal of literature, the arts, and public affairs which focuses on creating political conversations (Editorial 2). Thus, Clifton’s poem was chosen to be a part of the abortion debate. From the beginning, the poem contains a sorrowful tone. The speaker refers to her aborted fetus as “you,” granting it identity and life (Clifton 9). The speaker feels connected to the fetus and is saddened by her loss as she reflects “what did i know about waters rushing back/ what did i know about drowning/ or being drowned” (Clifton 9). The “waters rushing back” refers to both the physical consequences of her period cycle returning and the mental consequences that accompany the abortion. Continuing the water metaphor, the verb “drowning” indicates emotional turmoil and distress. The speaker feels sorrow and shame. However, there is a shift in the next stanza. Clifton reflects that the potential child “would have been born into winter/ in the year of the/ disconnected gas/ and no car” (Clifton 10). The mother reflects on her personal financial struggle. She does not have enough money to raise another child. She contemplates that to ensure the survival of her existing children, she would have to give the child up for adoption and “watch you slip like ice into strangers’ hands” (Clifton 10). Furthermore, the mother finds it improbable that the child would have found a loving home as it would have “fallen [like] snow in winter.” In the last stanza, the speaker upholds her decision for the sake of her existing children. She swears “if i am ever less than a mountain / for your definite brothers and sisters / let the River pour over my head” (Clifton 10). Although the speaker may be saddened by the loss of potential life, she does not regret her actions. She utilizes her sorrow as fuel to be strong for her existing children, the potential child’s “definite brothers and sisters.”

Works Cited:

Cerullo, Margaret. “Hidden History: An Illegal Abortion.”  The American Women’s Movement,1945-200, 2009, pp 1-43

Clifton, Lucille. “The Lost Baby Poem.” The Massachusetts Review 12, no. 1, 1971, pp. 108–9

“Editorial.” The Massachusetts Review 12, no. 1, 1971, pp. 2

 

 

Unequal Impact on Women of Color

In the Vol. 1 Issue 11 of Everywoman published in 1970, the short dramatic sketch titled “Conference in Black” by Black author Caroline Laud dives into the differences in perception between white feminists and feminists of color.

Women of color were disproportionately victimized by a lack of reproductive rights. In New York, around 80 percent of the deaths caused by illegal abortions were Black or Puerto Rican women (Davis 117). The negative conditions were furthered by the general lack of accessibility women of color had to these health procedures. Published in 1970, Vol. 1 Issue 11 of Everywoman dives into the differences in perception between white feminists and feminists of color. The simple, black and white, news and current affairs magazine aimed for an audience of “real women” including women of every race, feminists and non-feminists alike. The issue contains an article about a conference with two contrasting views about the same conference, one written by the Black author Caroline Laud and the other by a white, anonymous author. Laud chose to write her section in the form of a short dramatic sketch called “Conference in Black.” The piece is formatted as a call and response between white, “Liberal Women” and Black Women (Laud 5). In the sketch, the liberal women state, “tummy too round” and the Black women reply “Goddamn baby inside…/ Can’t afford to keep it… Can’t afford to get an abortion” (Laud 5). In the performance of the sketch, those playing the liberal women hold mirrors to their faces connoting vanity. The line “tummy too round” makes the white women seem absorbed only with their looks. They are worried about becoming too fat while Black women struggle with an unplanned pregnancy that they “can’t afford.” Laud claims that women of color have even less agency over their reproductive health than their vain, white counterparts.

The contrasting side to the Everywoman article “Conference in Black,” titled “and White,” was written by an anonymous white author.

Considering that the issue of reproductive rights especially impacted women of color, one would expect that women of all identities would unite under the cause. But in actuality, the issue was extremely divisive. Most of the women who supported abortion rights were white, middle-class, liberal woman. On the other hand, as Angela Davis observes in the chapter “Racism, Birth Control, and Reproductive Rights” of the book Woman Race Class published in 1981, the “ranks of the abortion rights campaign did not include substantial numbers of women of color” (Davis117). Furthermore, white women did not seem to understand or acknowledge this divide. The contrasting sides to the Everywoman article “Conference in Black / and White” highlights this discrepancy. Where Laud chooses to write about the inequity within the movement, the anonymous white author frames the conference with a much more positive tone (Conference 5). She reflects that at the conference, “we shared our thoughts, our feelings, our conflicts, our love. Sisters who had never met felt a sense of community with each other.” The stark contrast between these two works reflects the obliviousness of many white liberal feminists to the struggles of women of color.

Many women of color did not support the abortion rights campaign because white liberal feminists failed to understand the significance of including sterilizations within the policies. Within the U.S. history of birth control lies a history of eugenics. In 1905 President Theodore Roosevelt proclaimed that “race purity must be maintained” and the falling rates of white births were “race suicide” (Davis 121). Later the Eugenics Society was formed and soon after claimed: “twenty-six states had passed compulsory sterilization laws [and] thousands of ‘unfit’ persons had already been surgically prevented from reproducing” (Davis 121). The American Birth Control League also formed and supported birth control specifically among Black people. Its successor, the Birth Control Federation of America, planned a “Negro Project” in 1939. The project claimed that the black population in the South “breed carelessly and disastrously, with the result that the increase among Negroes, even more than among whites, is from that portion of the population least fit, and least able to rear children properly” (Davis 123). Furthermore, so-called “population control” was also deeply rooted in the very beginning of the birth control movement. Margaret Sanger, a champion of birth control, advocated for its usage to reduce births by women of color. Sanger wrote in a letter to a colleague, “We do not want word to get out that we want to exterminate the Negro population” (Davis 125).

These practices continued into the 1970s. At the beginning of the abortion movement, many assumed that population control through abortions and permanent contraceptives such as sterilization would be the solution to poverty. Reduced family sizes would mean fewer people to support and feed. The U.S. government supported such population control efforts, creating sterilization projects within the ​​Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. According to the news section of Vol. 5, Issue 6 of Women’s Press, in the eight years before the issue was published in 1975, “the U.S. government has increased its population control budget by 6,000%” (Houghma 4). These projects often targeted women of color and had a much larger impact than was advertised at the time. In 1972 the department claimed that around 16,000 women and 8,000 men had been sterilized (Davis 120). But today, Carl Shultz, director of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare’s Population Affairs Office, estimates that between 100,000 and 200,000 sterilizations had actually been funded that year by the federal government.

The poem “Creciendo en el barrio,” by Chicana poet Donna James, explores how the horrors of sterilization impact the speaker’s community. The poem is found in the anthology From the belly of the shark.

In response, people of color began to write about the horrors of the government’s push for “population control.” Chicana/o poets in particular explored the terrible effects of mass sterilizations on their communities. For instance, the anthology From the belly of the shark contains several poems by Chicana/o poets which express individual experiences with the issue. Published in 1970, the anthology includes works by Chicanos, Inuits, Hawaiians, Indians, and Puerto Ricans in the United States. In particular, the poem “Creciendo en el barrio” by Chicana poet Donna James, explores how the horrors of this practice impacts the entire community through its children (James 104). “Creciendo en el barrio” translates to growing up in the barrio, a lower-income Spanish-speaking area of a town or city. In the fourth stanza, James exposes the reality of the so-called “population control” initiatives in these communities.

 

And in the clinics ninos die

 Before and after birth

“Far too many Mexicans in this town”

“Don’t they breed like rabbits though”

The children are dying in the clinics “before and after birth.” In the hospitals, women are forced to get sterilizations and, if they do have a child, the community is so harmful that some children do not survive. James demonstrates that neither their nation’s government nor their hospitals value the lives of those within the barrio. Through the use of quotations, James attempts to capture the rationale of these institutions. To outsiders, the people in the barrio are considered “Mexicans” even though they reside in America. By not referring to these people as “Mexican-American,” they are categorized as other. The visitors continue to state, “don’t they breed like rabbits though,” reducing the people of the community to rabbits, an animal considered small prey that reproduces extremely rapidly. The government systems are taking advantage of this community through a mindset of dehumanization.

Thus, as Davis claims in the book Woman Race Class, although many of these women were “in favor of abortion rights [it] did not mean they were proponents of abortion” (Davis 118). Women of color understood the horrors that accompanied a lack of reproductive rights, yet they also had experienced the permanent, non-consensual effects of mass sterilizations. Morally, many could not support the abortion movement if they were not guaranteed protection.

Works Cited:

“Conference in Black and White.” pp. 4. Everywoman, vol. 1, no. 11. Dec. 1970, pp. 5

Davis, Angela. “Racism, Birth Control, and Reproductive Rights.” Woman Race Class, Vintage E-Books, 1981, pp. 117-127

Houghma, Ishi. “News.” Women’s Press 5, no. 6  September 1, 1975 pp.4

James, Donna. “Creciendo en el barrio.” From the Belly of the Shark : A New Anthology of Native Americans : Poems by Chicanos, Eskimos, Hawaiians, Indians, Puerto Ricans inthe U.S.A., with Related Poems by Others. 1st Vintage Books ed. New York. 1973.pp. 102-104

Laud, Caroline. “Conference in Black and White.” pp. 4. Everywoman, vol. 1, no. 11. Dec. 1970, pp. 4

The Horrors of Health Practices

The front page article of Triple Jeopardy / Racism Imperialism Sexism Vol. 3 Issue 3, “Sterilization: La Operacion/ The doctor may need it more than you!” by Gloria Rivera exposes the medical practices surrounding sterilization at the time. Published in 1974, Triple Jeopardy / Racism Imperialism Sexism was produced by the Third World Women’s Alliance.

The belief that population control could combat poverty was not only held by policymakers in the U.S. government. On a smaller scale, hospitals and individual doctors supported the movement as well. In the front page article of Triple Jeopardy / Racism Imperialism Sexism Vol. 3 Issue 3, “Sterilization: La Operacion/ The doctor may need it more than you!,” the author Gloria Rivera exposes the medical practice surrounding sterilization at the time(Rivera 1). Published in 1974, Triple Jeopardy  / Racism Imperialism Sexism was produced by the Third World Women’s Alliance. Racism is listed as the first of the three issues that make up the “Triple” of the title, indicating that the periodical was written primarily for an audience of women of color. This article was also written in Spanish, increasing accessibility to Latin American women whose primary language is not English. It includes a combination of both jarring second-hand quotes from medical professionals at the time and advice for women of color to avoid unwanted sterilization procedures. The article begins by exposing the “for the greater good” mentality which medical professionals used to rationalize their actions. A Gynecologist named Dr. Wood is quoted claiming that, “People pollute, and too many people crowded too close together cause many of our social and economic problems… As physicians we have obligations to our individual patients, but we also have obligations to the society of which we are a part” (Rivera 1).

In addition to “population control,” there were monetary incentives to perform sterilizations. The more procedures a hospital performed, the more government funds it received. In the article “Sterilization: La Operacion/ The doctor may need it more than you!,” Rivera claims that hospitals paid their doctors more based on how many “tubes they had tied” (Rivera 1). They categorized sterilizations as one of the few procedures their young physicians could perform, reminding physicians that, “everyone that you get to get her tubes tied means two tubes (i.e. an operation) for a resident or intern” (Rivera 1). They also pushed their young physicians to perform as many operations as possible. In the article, the overseeing physician is quoted as saying, “‘I want to congratulate the resident staff for 11 postpartum (after birth) tubal ligations last week.’ Another doctor responded, ‘They did even better last week. They did 15”’(Rivera 1).

A poem by white folk artist Kristen Lems about an individual’s experience with a “neighbor who’d been sterilized” found in the Vol. 5 Issue 6 of the midwest periodical The Amazon published in 1977.

Incentivized by warped beliefs about poverty, money, and additional experience, medical professionals responded by developing systems to increase the number of sterilizations of minority women. These strategies often lead to procedures being performed without the patient’s consent. One common way doctors would trick their patients into receiving an abortion was by taking advantage of different levels of literacy.  The Vol. 5 Issue 6 of the midwest periodical The Amazon exposes this method. Published in 1977, in the article “Women’s Union/ Sterilization Abuse” by Fai DeMark, white folk artist Kristen Lems’ poem reflects upon the speaker’s experience with a “neighbor who’d been sterilized” (DeMark 2).

When I learned of my neighbor who’d been sterilized

 I wasn’t surprised.

She had not been warned when she signed those white forms,

 but I wasn’t surprised.

Published in 1975 in Vol. 3 Issue 3 of Big Mama Rag, the article “Indian Woman Sterilizations Seen as Genocide” looks into the impact of sterilizations on the population of an unnamed Native American Reservation in Oklahoma.

Lems repeats the phrase “wasn’t surprised” to indicate the prevalence and historical nature of the issue. Mass sterilizations have happened in the past and continue to disproportionately affect those who “had not been warned.” Often women of color did not know what they were agreeing to because they could not read the complicated medical jargon of “those white forms” (DeMark 2). Therefore, many women did not understand the procedure that was being performed. An example of the horrifying effects of this misinformation can be seen in Vol. 3 Issue 3 of Big Mama Rag, a Western Woman’s Journal. Published in 1975, the article “Indian Woman Sterilizations Seen as Genocide” looks into the impact of sterilizations on the population of an unnamed Native American Reservation in Oklahoma. The article finds that on this reservation, “one in four women did not realize the procedure [of sterilization] was irreversible and would have preferred to use a different form of contraception” (Hille 3).

The forward “Puerto Ricans in the U.S.A.” by David Hernandez in the anthology From the belly of the shark explores the horror of the reality of sterilizations being performed after unrelated procedure.

Doctors also blackmailed women into getting sterilizations by withholding other forms of care if they did not agree to the procedure. Abortion, miscarriage, and even delivery were on the table. In the anthology From the Belly of the Shark, David Hernandez explores the horror of the reality of sterilizations being performed after an unrelated procedure in his forward “Puerto Ricans in the U.S.A.” In the forward, Hernandez chooses to write a poem, gifting the reader “el corazon y alma/heart and soul of my people. Our poetry,” (Hernandez 197).  He begins each stanza with a “dream” which he then counters with the reality of “Chicago.” In one of the passages Hernandez first states the dream of “[settling] in a neighborhood with/ good stores, good schools,/ good hospitals and big tall churches” (Hernandez 197). The Puerto Rican-Americans are hoping for a community with a flourishing economy made up of “good stores”. They are looking for “big tall churches” that indicate hope and faith in the future. They are hoping for access to education through “good schools” and healthcare through “good hospitals.”  Instead Chicago grants them a different reality. A reality that includes falling for a girl and “singing “i just met a girl named/ Maria” (Hernandez 197). Yet, then discovering that “maria’s in the hospital getting her/ tubes tied/ after a miscarriage.” The name Maria is at first capitalized, indicating that she has power and humanity. This is lost after she is forced to give up a part of herself through getting “her tubes tied.” She has lost a child through a “miscarriage” and then loses the chance to have any more. Maria went into the hospital for a “miscarriage” and receives a sterilization, a completely unrelated procedure. The dream was for a “good hospital” but instead the healthcare system takes advantage of her. Now, the community is not able to create the next generation, diminishing hope for the future. For the Chicana women in this community, the dream of a positive healthcare system is always out of reach. This poem reflects a growing movement of published literature by people of color about the horrors surrounding mass sterilization. Through various articles, poems, images, and letters, such authors began to raise awareness and helped articulate the centrality of a woman’s consent in reproductive decisions.

 

Works Cited:

DeMark, Fai. “Women’s Union/ Sterilization Abuse.” The Amazon 5, no. 6 p. 2

Hille, Carol. “Indian Woman Sterilizations Seen as Genocide.” Big Mama Rag 3, no. 3, April 1,1975, pp. 3

Hernandez, David . “Puerto Ricans in the U.S.A” From the Belly of the Shark : A New Anthology of Native Americans : Poems by Chicanos, Eskimos, Hawaiians, Indians, Puerto Ricans in the U.S.A., with Related Poems by Others. 1st Vintage Books ed. New York. 1973. pp. 193-197

Rivera, Gloria. “Sterilization: La Operacion/ The doctor may need it more than you!.” Triple Jeopardy, no. 3, January 1, 1974, pp. 1