Radicals in a Democratic Society

Partially in response to Professor Malekzadeh’s post,

Part of the question Professor Malekzadeh describes is simply that the democratic reforms enacted by Allende were too moderate. But moderate compared to what? Election results show that Allende’s reforms were roughly in the center of Chilean political thought, and, therefore, from a political theory perspective, Allende was acting approximately how he should be in a Democatic society. To engage in immediate radical communist reforms would be to violate the will of the people.

Is the problem that we haven’t seen Communist reforms accomplished through Democratic means elsewhere? We talk a lot in class about how small a percent of a population it takes to enact a revolution. Communism is, after all, an inherently radical ideology. It seems likely that we cannot ever find a situation where a majority of the electorate would support (the same) radical reforms.

Part of the problem here is that Democracy, especially, by design, constitutional Democracies, are designed to be inherently moderate methods of enacting change, while Revolutions are of course inherently radical. It seems possible that Democracy can very rarely successfully enact a radical policy such as Communism.

Of course there is also a conflict between a hypothetical communist state and the present institutions in a Democratic society. Part of communist ideology is the focus on Communism as an “End of History”. To continue operating Democratically, Allende would have had to not only run continual elections but also to prepare for the eventuality that a communist regime might leave power, and to preserve institutions accordingly. It’s possible that this is simply incompatible with Communism.

27 thoughts on “Radicals in a Democratic Society

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  5. This raises a really interesting tension between democratic gradualism and revolutionary ideology. I think your point about democracy being structurally moderate is especially important because democratic systems are generally built to slow down rapid transformation through elections, constitutions, and institutional checks. That naturally clashes with revolutionary movements that aim for deep systemic change in a short period of time.

    Your observation about communism and the “End of History” idea is also compelling. If a political movement believes it represents the final stage of historical progress, then maintaining fully open democratic competition becomes difficult because it requires accepting the legitimacy of opposition and the possibility of reversal. That contradiction may explain why revolutionary governments often struggle to preserve pluralistic institutions after gaining power.

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  10. Interesting perspective on the tension between democratic constraints and radical ideological change, especially in the case of Allende’s Chile. The point about democracy structurally favoring gradualism is compelling, since constitutional systems are built to absorb change rather than accelerate rupture. That does raise a deeper question about whether some ideologies are inherently mismatched with electoral systems, or whether the limitation is more about historical conditions than theory itself.

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