First Blog Post: Why Revolutions?

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“I do not assert that men living in democratic communities are naturally stationary; I think, on the contrary, that a perpetual stir prevails in the bosom of those societies, and that rest is unknown there; but I think that men bestir themselves within certain limits, beyond which they hardly ever go. They are forever varying, altering, and restoring secondary matters; but they carefully abstain from touching what is fundamental. They love change, but they dread revolutions.”  Alexis de Tocqueville, “Why Great Revolutions Will Become Rare”

“In Benghazi itself, the evidence of upheaval becomes more apparent. Each day, the streets roar with the sounds of pep rallies staged by fighters heading for the front; they fire guns in the air and occasionally set off dynamite to prove their devotion to their cause. But then the rallies give way to traffic jams and the rhythms of normal life…On my first day in Libya, in the town of Derna, one meticulously drawn panel caught my eye: ‘WE WANT A COUNTRY OF INSTITUTIONS,’ it read. In how many revolutions have people marched to such a slogan?”  Tom Malinowski, “Jefferson in Benghazi”

“It is a mistaken assumption that nations wronged by history (and they are in the majority) live with the constant thought of revolution, that they see it as the simplest solution. Every revolution is a drama, and humanity instinctively avoids dramatic situations. Even if we find ourselves in such a situation we look feverishly for a way out, we seek calm and, most often, the commonplace. That is why revolutions never last long.”   Ryszard Kapuscinski, Shah of Shahs

Why revolutions, why the allure of this class, of its material?  If we are drawn to transformation and the emancipatory possibilities of change, then how is it possible, as several of you noted in class, that we are put off by the uncertainty that change brings, the unknown of the “and afterwards” that Kapuściński conjures in Shah of Shahs?

Please keep your answers short (no more than 250 words, if you can!).  Post your reply using the “New Post” feature (but title it using your own creativity).  Make sure to tag it as “First Blogging.”  Remember to post a reply-to-a-reply by Monday.  Simply scroll through the entries and reply to whichever one catches your eye!

The Air Force Salutes their Leader: The Turning Point in the 1979 Revolution

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Every successful revolution gives way to rituals, ceremonies and habits whose purpose is to reproduce the excitement and hope of those long-ago days of protest.  Outside of old statuary in places like Lexington and Concord, American fervor against the British has, for the most part, been tamed by family-friendly parades, fireworks, and an impossible array of fried food (see, for example, this:  https://www.thedailymeal.com/eat/texas-state-fair-announces-10-finalists-2017-big-tex-choice-awards/081617).

In a country like Iran, however, fun has to contend with earnestness.  The revolution lies too close to the present, its fate still uncertain.

For this, the annual performance of the Air Force officers’ salute, now made for Khomeini’s less-charming successor Ali Khamanei, is not by accident. Like the numerous murals, print images, and porcelain plates (no kidding) of Khamanei and Khomeini in mutual profile, the IRI seeks to “bottle the magic” of Khomeini’s charismatic leadership in its current Leader.

Some historical background: On February 8, 1979—seven days a er Khomeini’s return to Iran a er more than 14 years of exile and three days before the final triumph of the 1979 Revolu- tion—a group of Air Force o icers declared their allegiance to the revolutionary cause, the first large-scale defection of military personnel to occur during the uprising against the Shah’s regime. What makes the event, captured in the first image above, particularly compelling is that the o icers went to visit Khomeini at his then-headquarters, housed in Alavi High School in central Tehran.

Khomeini’s remarks to the o icers on that day included the following: ”Till now you had been in the service of the wayward, but have now returned to the way of the holy Qur’an. May the holy Qur’an be your Guardian and Protector, and hopefully, with your support the people of Iran will succeed in forming the government of Islamic justice.”

The occasion proved to be a major turning point in the revolutionary process. The Royal Iran- ian Air Force, the Shah’s favored branch, in many ways embodied both the putative strength of the old regime and its excesses. The air wing of what was then the region’s largest (by far), its formidable arsenal of state-of-the-art weaponry included over 200 F-4′s, some 60 F-14′s, with at least 20 more F-14s and 160 new F-16s on the way, courtesy of the United States. If posses- sion of American-made fighter jets represented the modernity, both good and bad, of the Pahlavi regime, then it is perhaps fitting that the startling image of air force o icers saluting Khomeini before the end of the revolutionary process has since become one of the most iconic images of the revolution.

The Revolution Turns 39

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Iran celebrates the thirty-ninth anniversary of the overthrow of the Shah this month, ten days of celebration and remembrance to affirm that the revolution in Iran is a living revolution, the past a forever prelude to the present.

My thoughts on the annual celebrations follow, recorded less than a year after the suppression of the 2009 Green Movement. A little weathered, but I suspect that the many uses of the Revolution described below still hold true.

The View from Tehran

Iran turns 31 on Thursday, give or take a few thousand years. As part of the official commemorations for the anniversary of the 1979 Revolution, or what is known in Iran as the “ten days of dawn” (daheye fajr), state television broadcasts archival footage from that period, including scenes and images unimaginable the rest of the year: There are men with Western ties and women without Islamic hijabs. Secular housewives march in the streets with Hezbollah university students. Jimmy Carter toasts the Iranian monarch in Tehran, and Ayatollah Khomeini meets with American journalists in France. Every year, the hapless Shah is brought back to life, resurrected by state media only to be chased out of Iran once again, while on another channel Khomeini descends from the sky and into our living rooms on the wings of an Air France passenger plane, returning to Iran after many years of exile. The footage reminds us that revolutions can produce strange combinations, and that our collective memory of those days will forever come in passé hues and sepia tones (will there ever again in history be revolutionaries decked out in wide-collar three-piece suits and feathered hair?).

We watch this history replayed every year on television, but the Revolution is not about history. It is a thirty-one-year old story cut out of sequence, edited back into the programming, made current. One thing that must be understood about Iran, about living here, is that the Revolution is never officially discussed as a finished event. Here, revolution is transitive, a work still in progress. Last year a reporter asked a young man-on-the-street regarding his opinion about the Revolution on the occasion of its 30th anniversary. The man replied that he wished to be around in 90 years to see the Revolution at 120. One hundred twenty. Such talk is surely dissonant to ears conditioned to think of revolutions as conclusions. It is perfectly normal here. Here, revolution is transitive.

There is purpose to this. There are those who argue that by permanently mobilizing the population the regime uses the Revolution as an instrument of rule. This may be true but I think that there is another way to look at the annual celebrations. Like the mourning rites of Ashura, the Revolution is treated as a sequence of events in history that must be retold and most importantly, re-enacted. Revelation comes but once, be it on the plains of Karbala thirteen centuries ago or in the streets of Tehran during the winter cold of 1979, but redemption requires that the faithful regularly reprise the moment of grace.

So every year we spool the story back to 1979 and over ten days the state leads society in public ritual. Public because salvation canʼt be achieved sitting alone in the confessional or in front of the television. Itʼs why turnout is important for this regime, be it at the ballot box or in an anniversary march. Having the masses show up somehow proves that the Islamic Republic is blessed. It all culminates with the great gathering on February 11, the 22nd of Bahman by the Iranian calendar. In Tehran the crowds converge on Freedom Square, the site of massive rallies during the 1979 Revolution and where most recently millions gathered last June to demand that their vote be recognized.

The state organizes the march but it cannot control the meanings that people attach to this day. After so many years, the 22nd of Bahman has become as much a national day of gathering as it is a political rally. Television shows the angry speeches denouncing the West, but out in the crowd the atmosphere is often festive. You are just as likely to run into bundled families out for a stroll as you are to find militant basijis marching in formation along the route. The streets are filled with vendors selling food and all along the route are the ubiquitous balloon sellers, men slowly floating through the crowd wrapped in globes of all shapes and colors. It is not uncommon to see people dressed as Mickey Mouse or Winnie the Pooh, pausing to give hugs and take photos with the many children out in the crowd.

Just days ago former president Mohammad Khatami likened the Revolution to a train in motion. Defending the Green Movement against accusations of treason and supporting the right of the opposition to gather peacefully this coming Thursday (already there is word that security forces are preparing for some three million of the “Greens” will attend) Khatami stated that “Those who groundlessly accuse protesters of subversion are voluntarily or involuntarily derailing the Revolution from its correct track, and they call into question the principles of the Revolution.”

We should pay close attention to Khatami’s words. Like the 22nd of Bahman, the meaning of the 1979 Revolution belongs to no one person or group. 1979 is not a break in history, nor for that matter is 2009 its correction, but are rather constituent parts of a struggle for democracy that reaches back over 100 years. It is a mistake to think that the protestors that will show up tomorrow do so because they all reject the Revolution. Instead, many of these protestors will march because they too seek redemption. For them as it is for the authorities, the Revolution is not yet over but remains a work very much in progress.

“Condi the liar.”