Methodologies VI: Methodology Manifesto

Posted in Assignments on October 25th, 2015 by Arielle Steele

Africana studies has the singular history of being a field that is both personal and academic. It is a field where possibility and malleability reign supreme. For students whose vocational education purposely and systematically excluded the histories, literature, and art of Africana peoples, Africana studies could serve as a second education, a (hopefully) diasporic family history.  For students who have grown up in predominantly white spaces, Africana programs have the capacity to serve as a quest for a reimagined and realized black self. The field has transformative power as it is the reflection of self, the world, and it’s future. However it’s this mixture of the personal and academic that has proved to be both the field’s point of success and failure.

Like many of the scholars who pondered the future of Africana studies, I too feel that Africana studies, as I’ve experienced it, has focused excessively on deconstructing white supremacist and hegemonic thought and practice (Rabaka, Africana Critical Theory). For survey courses in the discipline this focus on deconstruction is not only important but also necessary.  However, the study should move past this stasis. As students plunge deeper into the field, the focus should also deepen. I suggest that courses include the radical thought that is explored in black feminism and womanism, modern articles/videos/and or movements (digital or otherwise), or rarely called upon texts that complicate or reformulate daily black life.

Furthermore Africana study both in survey and major courses need to incorporate an international narrative. Here I do not mean a simple additive course of action that tokenizes Afro-Latino, Afro-European, and African thought (Higginbotham, Designing an Inclusive Curriculum). I mean an infusing of various scholars from these regions at the inception of Africana education. Because Africana studies is the intersection of the personal and the political, American institutions often have ignored or bypassed other texts because they see them as irrelevant to their national narrative. We must not only be cognizant of this failing but also realize that our experiences are a part of a larger dialogue. If Africana studies wishes to continue being the transformative field it is, it must implement this change. This would inhibit our theories from being too Americentric and would encourage future endeavors to truly encapsulate the African diaspora. It would also even cover the aforementioned point of finding new/radical thinkers instead of regurgitation of ‘classic texts’.

And we can’t stop there. As Africana is an interdisciplinary field, its reach should even extend to quantitative data. Similar to Psychological Statistics, an Africana Studies and Statistics course would teach not only the formulation of numbers but also the ways in which statistics are manipulated in various studies in relation to Africana peoples. The class would effectively prepare students to use this quantitative practice in future research, and further integrate Africana studies in other quantitatively drive fields.

Ultimately I’m calling for a breath of new life into the field. An understanding of the passage of time and shortcomings that feeds the future of Africana studies. We need to incorporate black women, international radical thought, quantitative study, digital media, sex and sexuality, and the arts as all necessary and integral subjects to this field. I’m calling for the cessation of additive education in favor of whole-hearted inclusion. For we are not where we were when Africana Studies began. We should no longer centralize white theory and black male radicalism in our work. As we are expanding our community our study should too. We must move past deconstruction in order to build lasting education for our youth.

Word count: 589

Works Cited

Higginbotham, Elizabeth. “Designing an Inclusive Curriculum: Bringing All Women Into the Core,” Words of Fire. Print. The New Press: New York, NY. 1995.  480

Rabaka, Reiland. “Africana Critical Theory: Overcoming the Aversion to New Theory and New Praxis in Africana Studies and Critical Social Theory”.

 

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Methodologies V: Using and Analyzing Digital Media Sources

Posted in Assignments on October 19th, 2015 by Arielle Steele

When dealing with social media platforms as spaces of activism these sites can be innovative, powerful, and fast-moving at best, and at its worst chaotic and unfocused. The line between these two distinctions is actually slighter than one might realize. This understanding of cyber activism became clearer when faced with the question “What is contemporary ‘blacktivism’ according to Facebook/Twitter/Tumblr/Instagram?”

Being a avid user of the popular blogging platform, Tumblr, and as such well-versed in the language and etiquette of the site, I sought my answer through my dashboard. Tumblr is composed of a endless scroll, comparable to Facebook’s newsfeed, that displays every user you ‘follow”s posts that can consist of either a link, photo, video, mp3, or text file that can be organized by ‘tags’. Like Twitter, there is a give and take between control: you cannot control what users post, but you can control who you follow. You ultimately build up the queue of information displayed on your dashboard.

This rule of thumb on Tumblr already an issue in itself, as it’s not only necessary to have an account to view such information, but it also requires stock knowledge of which users promote social activism the most. Already in this way, Tumblr blacktivism is exclusive in the broader sense of the term.  However because I am an established user of 5 years, this constraint only appeared in my thoughts after my study.

Taking into account the formatting and style of the website (and the advantage of 5 years of knowledge), I began my study of 30 minutes scrolling down my dashboard sure that out of my selected 500 some users one would surely post something under the activism tree. After about a minute of scrolling I saw a linked post that described the new case of Ebola in Liberia as an STD. The random post was one centered on awareness, not truly giving a solution to a possible rebirth of the Ebola crisis. And for a while this was the only post I saw. Because Tumblr is composed as a live feed, the minutes I scrolled down the dashboard before I encountered another post for social justice felt like eons.

It wasn’t until I encountered a post by a rather prominent Tumblr user in both the black and activist circles that my research progressed. This individual posted a series of inforgraphics that described the various levels of Israeli settlement on Palestinian territory, the fraught Palestinian citizenship across Israel and Palestine, and general problematic restriction of Palestinian people. The post was significantly informative as most portrayals of Palestine capitalize on the destruction of the Gaza Strip rather than the conditions that provide for this kind of environment, and the surrounding oppressions widespread through out the country. I then opened up another tab in my web browser to later peruse the user’s account, sure of the rich content in store, simultaneously still looking for another possible user to study. Right underneath their post Micdotcom, an active news source, posted GIFs of Porsha Olayiwola’s  poem that criticizes the misogynoir latent in police brutality discourse and the general dismissal of the pain black women face at the hands of black men.

Having at least two users under my belt and just ten minutes left of study, I decided to quickly delve deeper into each site. The first user’s activism centered mostly on the personal: crowdfunding for a poor black transwoman, a black family nearing homelessness, and written text posts that criticize various tangents of their multiple jeopardies as a queer transman of color. The text posts all had a least a thousand ‘notes’, which consisted of either likes or ‘reblogs’ (when users repost the content to their blogs). Furthermore you could see a constant rapport developing on these text posts that pursued discourse or fermented friendships. On this given users page the queer community of color was strong and accounted for. Switching tabs to Micdotcom, the website served as a curated collection of black internet activism across platforms. Screenshots of tweets raising awareness against recent police brutalities (#JusticeforJason, #SayHerName to name a couple), gifs of award shows and videos, news clips, and original Tumblr user posts decorated the page. Micdotcom served as a hub of generalized activism rather than specific black communal activist space.

It is in this way that Tumblr both triumphs and fails as a platform for social change. On one hand the site is a space for endless possibilities that allow for news sources and user-created online ‘zines to provide a constant stream of information crucial for social justice. These carefully curated hubs of information are a great start for both users and visitors of Tumblr. One does not need membership to view or message the copious amount of blogs present on the site. However their existence does not necessitate the existence of black community on Tumblr, individual users do. One would need to follow both prominent and random bloggers in the black community on Tumblr. These bloggers, your chosen informants, brothers, and sisters dictate your involvement with blacktivism. They raise causes for “Black Tumblr” to rally against, to raise money for, or even formally petition against on “Change.org”. These bloggers can help you through your journey of understanding matrices of oppression in your daily life, as well as navigate questions of gender/sexual/racial identity through direct messages, text posts, photos and videos open for commentary…..provided that you follow them. In addition to this slight oversight black users cannot be streamlined in the fighting of antiblackness. Some users are a part of “Queer Tumblr” or “Transgender Tumblr”or the dreaded “Barbershop Tumblr” (a part of Tumblr which is characterized by pro-black homophobic misogynoiristic users). Various pockets of Tumblr wholesale ignore some oppressions, such as colorism, to maintain their privilege and membership to the black community simultaneously. Tumblr can be a place rife with the schisms that plague physical activist spaces.

Ethical issues aside, in this sort of research Tumblr even fails in organization. Like Twitter it employs the hashtag system to organize posts, in order to make searches easier for users and non-users, however unlike Twitter, these tags are hardly agreed upon and are used liberally. Users sometimes use the tag system to input their commentary to protect the aesthetic integrity of a post. This so-called ‘talking in the tags’ makes for a chaotic black hole of information that can only be retrieved if you search that particular blogger’s archive. Tumblr has the potential to be a mess of epic proportion.

Ultimately Tumblr as a space for cyber black activism continuously toes the line of innovation and chaos. The ample opportunity for commentary and grassroot movement give Tumblr the chance to make virtual spaces of social justice bleed into the real world. However this is constantly mired by the disorganization, petty squabbles between users, and randomization of posts that is present on the site.

Word Count: 1138

 

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Methologies III: Interpreting Performance

Posted in Assignments on October 5th, 2015 by Arielle Steele

 

Interpreting Performance

 

Last night, urged by the promise of an academic grade and a chance to practice real-time ethnographic research, I attended the Williams’ Campaign Ultra Lounge event. Held in the hub of student life, there in Paresky Center a mixture of students, professors, alumni and their children gathered for free food, gifts, and a host of other side attractions with the main one being the Williams College Jazz Band… or at least that was my perception.

 

I arrived at the event around 7:40 PM, wanting to get a chance to set up, take in my surroundings, and to eat since the event was slated to start at 8:30. I walked into Paresky Center entering Baxter Hall expecting the dimmed lights, hors-d’oeuvres, and décor suitable for an evening event, as the poster advertised.

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Instead I walked into a perfunctory mish-mash of haphazard signs, some misspelled, luxurious appetizer tables, scantily decorated standing tables, and a solitary stage dotted with instruments and three purple columns too add some sense of flair (that admittedly it didn’t do much) to the setup. As the outdoor activities drew to a close, numerous bodies poured inside the center searching for warmth. The confused and excited crowd seemed more concerned with the heady spread of fall themed ‘deserts’ than the impending performance.

 

Anxious to begin our observation and participate in the night’s festivities that included a photo booth and caricature drawings, my classmates and I decided to staunch the pain of the wait with apple crumble in a cup, hot cider, chicken wings, and random note taking. This bought us maybe 15 minutes until we noticed it was 8:36 and not a movement was made toward the stage. The lights were on at full power and errant conversations about celebrities and people exchanging pleasantries surrounded me. Hurried students tried to hunt down the source of the ‘free gift’ (a portable phone charger adorned with the Campaign motto: “Teach It Forward”) a lucky 250 people would get for attending the event. The occasional parent-child duo milled around unsure of the ‘next big surprise’ the Campaign had in store for them.

 

Everything about this atmosphere read as if people could care less about the band and it’s apparent tardiness except for my classmates and I. So what did we do? Took more notes. The ferocity of our note taking interested many the passer by. “What are you guys writing? Is that, like, homework?” “What’s this little writing circle you guys have going on?” And the plain, almost aggressive “What is that?” were the questions our peers and alumni had for us. At first I responded saying that this “was a part of our Africana studies senior seminar class, and [that] we’re currently studying performance ethnography. We’re supposed to be taking notes on the jazz performance.” And with that people either joked about their apparent absence or left us alone, satisfied with the answer; but as the night wore on I got lazier and lazier and wound up saying, “Yeah this is homework for class” with a what-can-you-do face. In hindsight stationing ourselves in the back of the hall at standing table in the center wasn’t the brightest idea. We made a quasi-spectacle of ourselves in the absence of the band.

 

After these visits we realized this on some level and stopped taking notes. Partially tired of writing and tired of waiting, we took a break. My two classmates and I turned to the childhood game of *M*A*S*H*, to pass the time. It would be an understatement to say that this wait hardly put us in the mood to watch a performance. Even the crowd grew weary of waiting and petered out to a mere 70 some odd people still floating around. Fast-forward a whopping 30 minutes later, members of the band saunter onto stage and eek out a couple notes. I shook my head in disbelief at my cellphone screen that read 9:50 PM. The band seemed just as tired as I felt. Their movements oozed nonchalance as they slowly tested out the sound of their instruments. A blare of a horn here, a lazy sax note there, and timid keying of a piano made up the first sounds of the Williams Jazz Ensemble. Eventually they found it in themselves to play “Play That Funky Music”.

 

Being the first number of the show, the performance was still getting its legs. The musicians peered over at each other trying to match nonverbal cues with the rise and falls of the song. After a time the band seemed to ‘gel’ with one another. The base and the drums created an infallible foundation on which the horns, the saxophone, and the piano keys not only stood but also weaved in and out of one another. The band seemed to actually like what they were playing. For a moment it didn’t seem obvious to the meager audience that they were contractually obligated to be here.

 

However the true magic happened when another student provided vocals to the instrumental. At first it was unclear as to if he was a part of the ensemble. He sat down on the edge of the stage for about 20 minutes of the performance, and all the sudden he started vocalizing. Low and timid at first the voice seemed lost in the muddle of music, but as the song progressed so did the voice. With a bowed head and singular concentration the vocalist made his words stronger, clearer, filled with intent. It seemed as though the others felt this intention; the saxophone player especially. He not only swayed fervently to the singer’s words but he replied to them. The rest of the band lived within the pocket of music the two created. Though the crowd had dwindled to nil, the band played their best number. Two spectators even got up to dance to the smooth sound. In that juicy moment what happened could be described by Dwight Conquergood’s principal of dialogical performance:

This performative stance struggles to bring together different voices, world

views, value systems, and beliefs so that hey can have a conversation with

one another. The aim of dialogical performance is to bring the self and the

other so that they can question, debate, and challenge one another (Conquergood, 9).

The musicians heard each other’s ideas and expounded on them, responded. The people in the crowd saw this exchange of ideas and internalized them into their bodies. Though these ideas I am speaking of are purely abstract it doesn’t change the act of dialogue. Live music and dance is always a conversation, whether it is one-sided is up to the performers themselves. In this moment such an exchange was present. In this moment this was a good performance. However that crumbled quickly.

 

After becoming hyper aware of the fact they were playing to a mostly empty room, the musicians let the atmosphere die. They let this dialogue “dissolve [back] into the performer”, killing the beauty they had just created. They once again sounded as if they were in someone’s garage practicing for the hell of it, but not in a good way. The band seemed detached from the room, enveloped in themselves no longer reaching out for some sort of interaction with their intimate audience.

 

All this is to say that this was a lukewarm performance with little shining moments. Aside from two numbers, the jazz band seemed uninterested in their material and the space. The novelty of a heartfelt vocalist gave the performance the wings it needed, but just as quickly they came they left. The Williams Jazz Ensemble lacked connection, which made this event a venture I kind of regretted attending.

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Methodologies II: Constructing an Ethnography

Posted in Assignments on September 23rd, 2015 by Arielle Steele

Constructing an ethnographical study is no easy task, but if I had to craft a study on “A Year in the Life of Africana Studies at Williams College,” I first would identify my players. Being that I enjoy video production more so than traditional essay writing, I would allow my cast/participants dictate the flow of the narrative rather than box them in by a rigid thesis. As I gather information through formal interviews and casual conversation, I would piece together certain themes and at last make my presentation on life in Africana studies at Williams.

That being said, I would want two different informants on the Africana studies culture: a professor and a student. Though I am technically an insider to this group, therefore establishing an emic perspective, the informants would give me both a sort of removed structural look at the field, and an immersed perspective of the student. Professors take on a natural role as teacher (Murchison, 90), and therefore would be best suited for this role. However they cannot truly know what it is like to be a student of their own teachings, furthermore a student in the discipline at Williams College. Senior and junior students would be necessary to round out this full picture of habitual study.

But the question is what is habitual study in the Africana field at Williams? What does it entail? Beyond the late nights of writing and the pondering of a dossier, what is the stuff that defines Africana study? Is it the interconnectedness that the small space of Williams allows? Are the courses underscoring students’ lives on campus? I would be pursuing questions that give a sort of texturing, a dynamism to this life.

After all I wouldn’t want it to be boring. “A Year in the Life of Africana Studies at Williams College” would need to be as colorful as the 20-some odd people that make up the discipline at our particular location. To truly encapsulate the almost inexplicable texturing that makes up this field, I would need multiple participants that have a long memory of what the field was like in the past and now. Aside from analytical questions, which have the danger of damaging native language of the informer (Spradley, 93), I would also seek information deemed banal such as: schedules, which classes are highly sought after, what is a typical day like in class. Questions that make up the everyday. These questions broad and specific would be needed to deliver a snippet of this world to an audience.

In a perfect world the video ethnography would be a great medium to give this cursory look at Africana at Williams, however issues of consent, privacy, and scheduling complicate the matter. Therefore outside of leaning on casual conversation and recruiting friends, I would possibly ‘table’ (advertise the making of my film at a open table) in Paresky Center. There not only would I have contracts of agreements, stipulations of my study including the purpose of my study and agreeing to have one’s likeness reproduced on film (either aural or visual), but also time slots of when I could meet with possible willing participants. This method would largely attract students in an open and honest way. Professors would prove more difficult, but if confronted with the possibility of keeping this video for posterity and an analysis of Africana at Williams, with their consent, their interest would be peaked.

Lastly outside of scheduled interviews and filmings, I would ask to audit classes to observe the dynamics, and gather that texturing that one can only experience.

Ultimately the video ethnography would be one encompassing the experience of all seasoned members of the field but would be in the perspective of the student.

The college experience is made up of many members but it’s heart lies in the student.

 

Works Cited

Murchison, Julian. “What is Ethnography” and “Participant Observation,”

Spradley, James. “Informants” and “Locating an Interviewing an Informant”

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Methodologies: Identifying and Assessing Sources

Posted in Assignments on September 23rd, 2015 by Arielle Steele

 

AFR 402

September 16, 2015

Identifying and Assessing Sources

            When writing any kind of academic essay, article, or thesis a choice must be made in regard of sources. Outside of information these sources dictate the style and the texture of the piece one is writing. In the writings of Colin Palmer, Lewis Gordon, and Ruth Reviere exist three different examples of how one might integrate various sources to supplement their assertions on African American Studies.

Colin Palmer, the first of our three authors, offers a more traditional thesis. Armed with an abstract, background, and chronology Palmer lays out a full history and possible future for African American studies. His sources aid the almost clinical feel of his piece, citing a mixture of historical texts, books and theoretical articles questioning the place of African American studies. With each assertion made about the academic field of African American studies, its history and methodologies, Palmer takes care to contextualize it with actual time pieces such as Langston Hughe’s “I, too, Sing America.” Palmer offers the young research student the quintessential exemplar of The Research Essay.

On the other hand Lewis R. Gordon offers the reader an alternative to the sterility of the research essay, by offering a smooth article pondering the actual workings of the African Diasporic Field. Published in The Black Scholar, Gordon’s piece works from a small group of material rather than the broad scope of sources exhibited in Palmer’s essay. That being said his article is infused with nothing but substantive sources that drive this theoretical article forward, instead of fact-of-the-matter general historical sources. Because Gordon is not working entirely from a historical framework, he is free to delve deeply in his claims and texts.

Lastly Ruth Reviere employs all sorts of sources to supplement her call for an even more Afro-centralized African Diasporic studies field. Between published collections of essays, novels, APA journals, and academic as well as newspaper articles Reviere seems to have it all. However her piece seems to be primarily focused on one text while the others simply serve as a reference for the reader. Her references don’t offer the reader a history, and seem to be quickly thrown in to protect intellectual property. Though her sources for the most part aren’t general, they don’t seem to be entirely employed. These three authors offer the research student a close look at the various kinds of work they can do but also a look at how one can interact with their references. Substantive references that not only speak to one’s assertions but also allow them to work within the text. [Sources rich in quality]* will rule over general references of fact.Excusing the length of a project, working from a small host of excellent sources will [be preferable]* over a litany of articles, books, journals, and webpages. Ultimately the sources make or break the paper.

*Edited September 22, 2016

 

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