The Grocer and the Chief

This article brought up several interesting points. The first is who truly wields the power?This is similar to Orwell’s “Shooting an Elephant” as it poses the question of who in the village of Balgat was more important- the chief or the grocer. Lerner writes “In Balgat, the Chief carried the sword, but did the Grocer steer the pen?” (51). I understood this as while the Chief has political “control” over his people, the Grocer plays an important role for the people. He knows the system and how to work it, therefore, people come to him with money questions, which can be seen as a form of power. Money is a driving influence in much of the world, and while money was a “taboo talk” in Balgat, it still permeated society.  I though the point of “some Balgati were talking loud about the Grocer to keep their own inner voices from being overheard by the Chief- or even by themselves” (50). This reminds me of the class discussion on conformity, and how people are willings to put the blame on others in order to not stand out. In many cases, especially in undeveloped societies, it becomes a game of who can stand out the least. In addition, when Tosun asked the people what they would do about the problems in Turkey if they were president, it was interesting how some were shocked by the question, claiming that they could never think of themselves in that light. Yet, the Grocer has no problem answering that question. Why is that? Is it because the Grocer is progressive in his thinking while the Shepard is stuck in his old fashioned ways?

modernization of Balgat

In “The Grocer and the Chief,” Balgat is a great example of a town in the transition from traditional ways to modernity. During the initial interviews, the Chief represents tradition and the Grocer represents modernity in the sense of wanting to get out of his “hole.” This idea comes from increasing globalization is a very modern one, as John Gray explains. The Grocer wants to take control of his life and actively impact it by going to Ankara or even America to realize his dreams. On the other hand, the Chief is grateful for what life has given him and does not wish to change things. Another interesting thing was that Lerner seemed to use the word History to mean modernity or modernization, perhaps part of Gray’s modern myth that History truly began with modernization.

In addition, the relationship between Ankara, the capital of Turkey, and Balgat reminded me of the Scott reading on cities. As the modern Turkish state emerged in Ankara, it became the hub of traffic and activities, like Paris in the reading. Even before Balgat is developed, Ankara serves that role for the Balgati. It is where the Grocer gets his supplies, where people go to buy or sell things, where they watch movies, and where they get their news from. After Balgat’s modernization, Ankara’s role expands as it is physically more connected via the bus. Every hour, a bus full of Balgati heads to the capital, and most young men go there to work in factories. It was also interesting that although Balgat is “developed,” it still does not have the geometric layout of a planned city. This means that the locals still hold some power over outsiders or officials from the capital since they require a guide to navigate Balgat. For example, Lerner and Tahir must be guided to the Chief’s house by local children.

“The Grocer and the Chief” Post

Daniel Lerner’s “The Grocer and the Chief” equates History with change. Before the election of 1950, the village of Balgat is essentially static. People have set, comfortable social positions and traditional values govern the way they live their lives. The state of society is not called into question, despite the sharp discrepancy in technological development between the village and the city of Ankara, not far away. The Chief of the village is a prime example of Balgat’s “pre-Historic” way of life. He is comfortable with maintaining the status quo. Perhaps the first Historical figure in Balgat’s narrative is the grocer, who alters the social equilibrium by openly stating his desire to live with more material wealth and technology, and seeking to belong to a society that mirrors American capitalism. Even though the grocer’s views are frowned upon by his fellow villagers, they serve as a precursor to the changes to come. Four years later, the grocer’s vision is viewed through a more “modern” historical lens. “He was the cleverest of us all…he was a prophet.” In the case of Balgat, change leads to the development of history, which ultimately shapes the concept of modernity. Modernity is exemplified through material wealth and more social mobility. Meanwhile, Balgat is integrated into the city of Ankara, and citizens lose many of their traditional values and economic independence. Overall, the anomaly of the grocer in Balgat foreshadows the rapid social and economic change that will shape the modern historical narrative of the small Turkish village.

The Chief, the Grocer, and Modernity

In Al Qaeda and What It Means to Be Modern, Gray describes modernity as the idea that humans are capable of perfecting life and the attempt to perfect it, particularly through science. The Grocer encapsulates Gray’s image of a Positivist; he believes in rational improvements to achieve progress, whatever that might mean. In the original interview, the Grocer says that if he were president of Turkey, he would “make roads for the villagers to come to towns to see the world and would not let them stay in their holes all their life.” For the Grocer, progress is synonymous with outside influence and with wealth. The Grocer dreams of moving to Ankara or America, of building a bigger and nicer grocery store, and of accumulating wealth. In contrast, the Chief is anti-modern. The Chief is content in his way of life and incapable of imagining life beyond his beloved village. If he had more funds, he would ask for “help of money and seed for some of our farmers.” The Chief envisions progress as a continuation of the present; he is incapable of imagining a village where the majority of the population no longer farms.

The Grocer’s worldview comes with a price however. The Grocer was never content. He strove for progress and looked longingly at the wealth of the city. The modern man is constantly hungry for more and can never be content with stagnation. Meanwhile, the Chief was happy when the village was still agrarian, and is still content four years later when the village connects to Ankara. By not assuming the need for “progress”, the Chief appreciates its benefits but doesn’t suffer in its absence.

Grocer and Chief

Lerner’s account is reminiscent of Gessen’s piece in the way it complicates the idea of Positivism and the scientific quality of political science. While I do believe that empirical data is necessary for a complete picture of an issue, it seems the Lerner’s type of journalism—in its hyper-specificity and qualitative nature— allows us an understanding of Balgat that empirical data lacks. Ultimately, political science comes down to the interaction of human beings and the way in which their decisions affect the larger scheme of their society. Lerner’s metaphorization of the grocer and the chief allows us to characterize some of the opposing attitudes that existed in Balgat before modernization. This is especially highlighted in the way these men interpreted movies. For the chief they acted as a “moral prophylactic”, whereas for the grocer they were “an avenue to the wider world of his dreams”.  This passage illustrates the shortcomings of the “modern myth”, as modernity does not necessarily lead to a unity of opinion. It seems, in fact, that modernity (or the possibility of it) creates a stage for more dissent. The grocer was the agent of modernity and was ultimately criticized because of it. Journalistic pieces like Lerner’s allow us to understand the plight of specific people that lived through modernization. It remind us that behind the facts and figures, the people of Balgat are beings with moral worth that are individually affected by the political and social forces around them. This piece makes the reader feel something. Despite the fact that this piece is highly opinionated, it seems that the insight it provides outweighs the the author’s personal stakes.

Cunning Politics

I found this account extremely interesting and eye-opening. This type of rapid modernization is something I am familiar with from 19th century America, so to learn that this occurred so quickly in 1950s Turkey was something I never considered. This series of interviews again exemplifies the hidden personal thoughts noted in the Scott reading. In many instances, the villagers avoided questions completely or responded with non-answers or just plain laughter in the shepherd’s case (page 21). The lack of answers and obvious uneasiness about the questions expose a flawed aspect of social science research. We can only learn so much when the subjects are not completely free to express their inner desires. That being said, we do observe clever political tactics used by the Chief, such as moderating outside influence, by way of the radio, to keep his position as village leader (page 27). His intelligence does not stop there because he quickly realized that his village was modernizing, so he allowed his sons to follow the path of the Grocer, who the Chief initially thought of as a foe (page 42). This is reminiscent of Machiavelli in a way, by the Chief putting aside his own personal beliefs and morals in an attempt to have himself and his “heirs” remain in power. The Machiavelli theme is also apparent when many villagers were initially too nervous to respond to the interview questions because they feared what the Chief would think of them if they spoke out. From the Chief’s perspective it is clear he chose the route of being feared rather than loved in that instance.

Chief & Grocer

The parable of the Grocer and the Chief clearly relates to the relativity and perception of power. Lerner considers the reasons that the chief makes the interviewer nervous while the interviewer makes the grocer ‘observably’ nervous. This question demonstrates that power is not absolute or a finite and transactional source of control – rather, it is the perception of relative position within a given physical and hierarchical context that constitutes real power. The chief pragmatically stands in the way of the interviewer’s goals from a legitimate position, and thus the interviewer is influenced by the opposing relative power. On the other hand, the grocer may be intimidated by the interviewer’s education, occupation, and his sense of authority. He therefore perceives to be beneath him, even though there is little to suggest that the interviewer can actually exert any sort of power – coercive, institutional, legal, etc. – over him. Ultimately, the dynamics of power are legitimized by the (constructed) belief in them by participating actors.

I also think this piece raises some interesting questions and parallels to past discussions: The idea of modernity, and what it means to be modern in a social context, the difference between a thick and thin description in social science – and the validity thereof.

All Aboard

Lerner has wholeheartedly bought into what Gray calls the “modern myth”. To him, before the rise of the Demokrat party, the introduction of shops and neckties, Balgat was out of sync with the universe. To steal a metaphor, modernity is a train that’s leaving the station, but luckily the villagers just managed to board on time, with the help of the Grocer, “the cleverest of us all”. This is made eminently clear when Lerner writes, “the irony of the route by which Balgat had entered History stayed with me”. History with a capital H, that irrepressible force that pushes everyone and everything towards one endpoint, or at least that’s how it’s presented in the religion of modernity. Before the arrival of the neckties, the people of Belgat refused to “get out of their holes”, but now there are radios and shops, and everyone has obediently gotten their tickets stamped and boarded the train.

To harken back to last weeks’ topic, on social sciences and the like, I have the same problem with Lerner as I had with Gessen. Its not hard to understand why social science has a bad rap when writers like these wear their biases and ideologies on their sleeves. You have absolutely no doubt what Lerner’s opinion is of these people. The Grocer was a prophet who knew the Word, and the rest of them were ignorant and needed to be shown the light. Yes, he has respect for the Chief, but in the same way Rousseau respected the noble savage.

Old and New

In Lerner’s parable, two characters represent the opposing forces of old and new. However, neither is portrayed particularly positively. The Chief derives his power from “some useless, mystic wisdom,” and is “the absolutely dictator.” He is described as a parochial force with ties to “traditional Turkish values.” He is seen to be outdated, a ghost. Then there is the Grocer, who is constantly seeking betterment and progress. The Grocer is described as being somehow lesser than Tosun because Tosun makes him nervous. Tosun, who traveled from the city of Ankara, is seen to be somehow superior because of his urban roots. Progress and development somehow elevate him above the grocer, who strives for this progress. Rather than admiring him for his valiant efforts to bring about change, Tosun actively dislikes the Grocer, describing him as “unimpressive.” The Grocer, even though he is aligned with Tosun in his desire at least for modernity, is seen as an undesirable wannabe. Here we see demonstrated the tensions between the old, the new, and those who seek to bring about change. Rather than extending a helping hand to the man who hopes to bring about change, Tosun sees his imitations of modernity as subpar and therefore resents him. However, Tosun also resents the Chief for being overly traditional and tied to the past. How can Tosun, who is presented as superior in this case, interact with the people of Balgat in a productive way in order to produce progress?

John Gray and Balgat

In comparing Lerner’s piece to John Gray’s concepts of Positivism and globalism, it becomes apparent that Gray’s opinions are in some ways affirmed by the case of Balgat. First of all, Gray defines Positivism as the idea that progress leads to virtue, a belief that he condemns, and he claims that globalization is linked to the fallacious American concept that America can be used as a helpful model for the rest of the world to follow. In Balgat, the grocer appears to hold some Positivist views in that he conceives of progress as the key to a better, more fulfilling life. In addition, he seems to have an innate desire to see and understand more of the world, which he sees as achievable through the industrialization and general modernization of Balgat. Lerner seems to place value the grocer’s ideas, despite their incongruence with the rest of the people of Balgat. In this way, Lerner’s bias towards American-like modernization becomes very apparent. This suggests the validity of Gray’s conception of globalization, as Lerner appears to admire the grocer’s desire to be more like an American. After Balgat has become somewhat modernized, most of the people of Balgat appreciate the change. They are able to buy useful things that they were not previously able to buy. However, there is some ambivalence, particularly in the chief and the man at the coffee shop. While progress has undoubtedly given them more access to resources, it has not led to a more virtuous community. Rather, it has decreased some of the community’s work ethic, sparked an interest in buying unnecessary things, and eliminated much of the nationalistic values. In this sense, Gray’s condescending description of Positivism is given more validity. Progress may have given this community more wealth, but it also left behind some of its core values.