The Dying Russians

Masha Gessen’s “The Dying Russians” is an example of the potential for truth and explanation that inheres in the encounter between “good journalism” and social science. It is also an fine illustration of how the pursuit of a puzzle—in this case “Why are Russians dying at such high rates, and so young, since 1991?”—can give way to a new and unexpected (if not more harrowing) question, “Why have Russians been dying at such high rates for decades?” The conclusion that the piece reaches is almost lyrical, and possibly not even science. Russians are, it would seem, dying of broken hearts.

Assess the piece from the perspective of this week’s discussion of the nature of science and methodology. How are cultural, institutional, or historical instruments of explanation brought to bear on the analysis, and are they effectively used? Is there a “truth” that lies beyond the grasp of social science, or even medical science. If so should we stop striving for the unreachable? You might want to keep in the back of your mind Ian Shapiro’s entreaty that we adhere to “problem-oriented research” rather than “method-driven” political science. (“…if one’s only tool is a hammer, everything in sight starts to look like a nail.”

Photo:  “Dynamo” factory workers listening about the death of Joseph Stalin, 1953 by Dmitry Baltermants

Colonial Power Dynamics

As of the point in time where the account was taken, the British Empire has the power. They are the ones who have implanted their chosen power structure on to the citizens of Burma and the English expatriates living there. While the Burmese people are a force of pressure in Orwell’s conscience leading him to the eventual act of killing the elephant, there is a larger pressure, coming from the Empire which is validating the pressure coming from the burmese. The english have set up the power structure in Burma, they have created the “mask” that orwell now finds to be his skin. It is the english that have put him in the position of relative power and now orwell must be a slave to the system which empowers him in order to not let it fall. What the British have been able to do is connect inseparably the dignity of Orwell, to him doing his duty to uphold the power dynamics which the British Empire has seen fit to implement. While orwell is trying to protect his dignity by using a decisive method of force he is also playing into the power dynamic that not only allows him, but expects him to do so.

Later this phenomenon will play out in more formative ways. When enforcers of english rule abroad will be faced with unruly subjects who question the authority of the outsiders, the power dynamic engrained in the minds of the english foreigners will be used to justify the repression of the indigenous people.

 

Power Play

Once Orwell realizes “the hollowness, the futility of the white man’s dominion in the East” and continues to play his role designed by the British Empire, he gives power to the Empire (page 3). In the beginning of his essay, he states that his mind is detached from the work he does. In certain schools of thought, Orwell’s self realization can be interpreted as having the ultimate power. He understands the Imperial role that he has to play and feels guilty about how much power he owns in a land that is not truly his. What Orwell does not understand is that mentality of the establishment bleeds into one’s thoughts and feelings. This is because the public still sees Orwell as a part of the establishment and he feels compelled to play the part. Because of this, the power gets fed back into the larger image which is the British Empire.

The power comes from the Empire’s manipulation of Orwell’s desires. He is deathly afraid of looking weak in front of the natives. In Orwell’s mind, it is akin to survival: the natives can never see themselves as the superior people. When he thinks about death, it is not because he is scared to die, but it is because he is scared of the joy that the natives will get out of the image of his corpse. Everything Orwell does is revolving around his perceived power. In a larger scheme of things, Orwell is not unique to this issue as he states. This issue of perception and the image of the British Empire plagues “every white man’s life in the East” (page 3). Everyone has this internal struggle in their lives and they all choose to play their role in the imperialistic world.

Orwell and Power in Imperialism

George Orwell’s Shooting an Elephant is about how imperialism distributes power between the colonizer and the colony. We intuitively think that the imperial power, as the obviously stronger force, should be able to control the colony and its people. We’d also imagine a British officer (such as Orwell in this story) should dominate his relationship with natives, especially considering the power his position should give him over them.

The dilemma Orwell presents in Shooting an Elephant shows us that the power in an imperial relationship can often lie with the colonized people despite the colonizer holding all the official power: he doesn’t want or need to shoot the elephant, but does so anyway because the Burmese crowd that has gathered expects him to and – as a representative of the British empire – he needs to maintain (or gain) the respect of the natives by appearing resolute. Orwell’s writing makes it clear that the crowd’s expectations of the him control his actions. This is because the leader figure – in this context or any other- must continuously prove that he is worthy of his position.

The events of Shooting an Elephant also emphasize the power of groups. In the story, Orwell shoots the elephant because of the expectant Burmese crowd. Presumably, then, he would have acted differently if there were only a couple of natives watching him. Here, the Burmese show that they have influence and power in numbers. This relates to the notion (discussed in class) that a subjugated population or people have more power over when they form a large group.

A final word on Orwell’s decision to shoot and kill the elephant: I think his actions were arguably necessary and think his reasoning is acceptable. To have word go round that the British imperialists are soft would make the occupation of Burma more difficult. Put in a similar position, I probably would act as he did.

 

Power for the Powerful: All or All

Orwell’s Shooting An Elephant represents an interesting display of the power dynamic between the British Imperialists and the Burmese population they are oppressing. While Orwell attempts to create a sympathetic look on the white man oppressed by his own system and tries to discover some type of power that lies with the Burmese people, his story fails to recognize the violence and systemic race politics that clearly keep any power from the larger oppressed majority.

A quote from the story, “And my who life, every white man’s life in the East, was one long struggle not to be laughed at (3),” shows the starkly ironic contrast between the fears of the Burmese people and the white officer. The Burmese are subjected to violence, regardless of failing to perform their social roles, and they have no choice in the matter. The lives of these people are not valued in this system, and only at the end of the story does Orwell acknowledge this, “…because an elephant was worth more than any damn Coringhee coolie (4).” Orwell’s characters inability to reconcile his own power dynamic in contrast to the one he perceives in the elephant situation elucidates his lack of understanding of the way his race and position really affect the performances of those around him. He seems absurdly concerned about his public image when he could easily use his own power along with the incredible power of the system he works in to reinstate his place above the Burmese.

Excuses of being an “An Absurd Puppet”

What I think is most important to analyze in George Orwell’s Shooting an Elephant are the feelings Orwell elicited throughout the story as he is tasked to shoot the elephant. What Orwell is getting at is that by being an Englishman–white and representing (though not willingly) British imperialism–he is forced to act as “an absurd puppet” to the “yellow faces behind.” Although he states that he is secretly against the Burmese Oppressors, his vocabulary suggests that his hatred for the Burmese citizens far exceeds that of the “dirty work of Empire.” Ultimately, this–what I presume–fictitious hatred towards the British, is superseded primarily by an anger and frustration with the Burmese who fail to give him the respect he feels he deserves.

When confronted with the problem of the once rampaging elephant, Orwell decides to shoot the animal not due to an allegiance towards his occupation as a police officer nor a feeling of retribution considering the elephant did kill someone, but rather due to the mere fear of being laughed at by the “natives” who are, in that society, below him. I ascertain that this feeling of (absurd) “fear” and “vulnerability” is exacerbated by the fact that those who surrounded him are of a lower class than him. The idea that his façade performance of dominance will be exposed for its real weakness, is unacceptable for Orwell, a man who has been given the power to decide who or what lives or dies based upon his rank as an official. This pivotal exposure demonstrates the varying and dichotomous stakes of the oppressor-oppressed dynamic. In total, whether or not Orwell shoots the elephant, the only thing at stake is his pride. He understands this but does not understand how ludicrous and comical it is; rather he accepts the role he feels he needs to play and shoots the elephant. Only once the gun is shot and the huge animal staggers at the sudden blow, does this “veil” of the dominant fall from Orwell’s eyes. Unlike what Orwell expected however, the animal does not die immediately, but instead half an hour later and only after couple of more bullets had been shot into its rough skin. During this process, Orwell seems to believe that he is taking the higher road by trying to quell the anguished cries of the poor beast. And yet when he can no longer deal with the elephant’s whimpers, Orwell leaves–unwilling and unable to accept the consequences of his actions. And to think that all of this could have never happened if only he had the will to get over a fear of ridicule.

Power of Imperialism and Orwell’s Insecurities

In Shooting an Elephant, Orwell asserts that the system of imperialism has the power. Orwell says referring to the role of the colonizers, “For it is the condition of his rule that he shall spend his life in trying to impress the ‘natives’, and so in every crisis he has got to do what the ‘natives’ expect of him. He wears a mask, and his face grows to fit it.” Orwell attributes his actions to “the condition of his rule”, demonstrating that he is bound by structure, just like the Burmese. He also presents in this quote the argument that performance shapes attitudes (i.e. the mind and the body become blurred). These arguments are very similar to Havel. Also like Havel, Orwell believes that the system is absolute. He presents his decision to shoot the elephant as the only option, because deviating from the role of the “sahib” would undermine the system.

Orwell contradicts this argument at the beginning of the essay. In the first paragraph, he describes the small actions of the Burmese, in the streets and on the football field, which served to demonstrate their hatred towards Europeans. These small acts of defiance are not performative of the roles of the Burmese in this system and therefore would not be allowed to exist if in fact the system was absolute. Orwell therefore also had a choice to not shoot the elephant. He falsely attributes his insecurities, of “looking a fool”, to his powerlessness under the system of imperialism.

Two Sides to Every Story

George Orwell’s Shooting an Elephant allows us the opportunity to witness the thoughts of the dominator as he interacts with those he dominates. James Scott would refer to what we read as Orwell’s hidden transcript; we got to see both how he acted as a British officer doing his job, and also how he truly felt, as he shot the elephant simply to avoid being made look like a fool in front of the Burmese. Naturally, seeing Orwell’s hidden transcript readers might sympathize with how he felt powerless with the gun in his hand, and how “two thousand wills” seemed to be exerting a force over him that drove him to act (Orwell, 3). However, if we actually consider the role of the Burmese in this power dynamic, this is not the case.

Consider two less important characters: the elephant owner and the elephant’s victim. The owner, according to Orwell, “was furious, but he was only an Indian and could do nothing” (Orwell, 4). His ability to seek legal retribution was nonexistent because of his race. By not allowing the elephant owner to air his grievances, we see Gaventa’s second dimension of power where the powerful control by setting the agenda. Furthermore, some of Orwell’s peers declared that it was a “damn shame to shoot an elephant for killing a coolie,” suggesting that the native victim was less than equal in his oppressors’ eyes (Orwell, 4). Thus, while Orwell’s narrative is compelling in demonstrating the power of the oppressed over the oppressor, their titles are still just that, and in most every place in this colonial society, it is the English oppressor who has power over the natives.

The Power of the System

In “Shooting an Elephant,” Orwell claims that the Burmese people possess all the power. However, the Burmese people only have the power to control how they are dominated by the British. The real power lies in the system itself. The imperialist system is what forces Orwell to put on a mask to hide his real opinions and places him in a position of power as the only armed man in a large crowd of Burmese people. Because of the strength of the system it is never a question of whether or not the British have power over the Burmese; the only thing in question is how Orwell and the Burmese will act together to reinforce this power dynamic.

After shooting the elephant, Orwell remarks, “The owner was furious, but he was only an Indian and could do nothing.” Just as Orwell does not have the power to do anything but put on a show for the Burmese, the Burmese do not have the power to do anything but sit back and watch, both sides aware of and opposed to the system but forced to accept it. While Orwell’s day to day actions rely on him doing what the Burmese expect him to do, these habitual interactions demonstrate the prevalence of learned helplessness on both sides. The Burmese people expect to be dominated by the British, resulting in Orwell doing what his expected of him, further increasing the Burmese people’s expectation of being dominated and so on.

Power

As illustrated by Orwell’s account in Shooting an Elephant, talking about power as simply being the force which constrains the oppressed is an insufficient account of the way in which it truly works. The power that Orwell wields in this account is the institutionally granted power of domination and coercion over the natives. Orwell, as an agent of the British Empire, wields the might of the British military and legal system over the natives, able to arbitrate disputes as he chooses and indeed even kill if the situation dictates it. This is the prima facie manifestation of power, one which all can recognize and must submit to.

 

The more subtle and interesting form of power is that which the natives hold over agents of the British Empire like Orwell. While they certainly do not possess legitimate claims over the use of force, through watching these agents and implicitly holding the agents to the routinized conventions of the Empire, the natives are able to push the ostensible oppressors towards certain actions. In this case, it comes in the form of needlessly killing an elephant.

 

This is a more insidious form of power as it is less readily apparent but is in many ways more fundamentally constraining as agents of the Empire are held to the narrow confines of what is institutionally justified. This notion of power operating not from the top down but having a reflexive nature is an insight that is very much Foucauldian. Thus, while the British Empire and its agents wield all of the formal power in this scenario, a true and full account of power would show that all actors hold and use it to varying extents.