Grading Systems, a Necessary Evil

I would like to focus on the necessity of a grading system in education. While Gatto seems to feel as though grading is just a means for society to cultivate obedience and sort people into categories, I look at it as a necessary evil rather than something that should be eliminated. It certainly isn’t perfect, but without incentive, especially in a world filled with mindless distraction, I feel as though there would not be a meaningful desire for most people to educate themselves. Without material incentive, people tend to do the minimum, the economy of the former Soviet Union speaks well to this. While the education system may not be making students into “their best selves,” everything learned in K-12 education isn’t entirely worthless. And grading systems, when they become more important in middle and high school, do play on the self-interested part of human nature to “fool” students into learning things in some capacity, even if it’s just for the grade. It’s hard to convince children that learning is important, and I think the grading system is more successful at encouraging education if the alternative is anarchy. Of course, there’s a middle ground somewhere, grading systems should be encouraging intellectual accomplishment rather than blind obedience to monotonous daily tasks which the grading systems of today all too often reward in excess. We just need to find it.

Response to Sasha’s “Shooting an Elephant” Post

I think Sasha makes some good points with regard to the power of the majority and the “shared laugh” concept. Like I alluded to in my own post, while Orwell and the British may have authority over the Burmans, the native people actually have power over the Europeans. This is due in part to both the sheer discrepancy in numbers between the groups and the social obligations that Orwell’s authority entails. However, the two factors are often intertwined. When Orwell is gratuitously fouled in soccer, he is unable to complain because he is outnumbered by the Burmans and because he would appear weak if he were to show his fear, compromising the legitimacy of his authority. Evidently, the extent of Orwell’s authority does not translate to his extent of power in the situation. Meanwhile, despite the power dynamics of Orwell and the Burmans, the concept of the “shared laugh” may be applicable to the bigger picture. While the British exercise their power the Burmans are free to engage in whatever kind of private discourse they like, mostly likely regarding their anti-British sentiment. However, in the public sphere, they are well aware of their position in the Imperialist society. This is made evident after Orwell shoots the elephant and elicits a strong reaction from its owner. “The owner was furious, but he was only an Indian and could do nothing.” This matter-of-fact remark speaks volumes. Even though Orwell lacks power in the story, his authority is still firmly cemented in society.

Power, Politics, and Laughter

In Orwell’s account of his experience as a police officer of the British empire in Burma, he uses the experience of shooting a rogue elephant terrorizing the village to highlight the often strange power dynamic between himself, the Burmese people, and the British empire. It is this last pillar of the power dynamic, the English system that has crafted the environment in which both he and the Burmese people reside, that is not explicitly discussed as a participant in Orwell’s account, but nonetheless holds the true power in Orwell’s story. Orwell mentions that “For at that time I had already made up my mind that imperialism was an evil thing and the sooner I chucked up my job and got out of it the better.” (1) While he is in Burma, Orwell is beholden to the British state just as much as the Burmese villagers he presides over, and it is this forced assumption of the role of ruler that pushes Orwell to shoot the elephant in order to not lose face in front of his “subjects.” Orwell himself would rather not be in the position of power that he is in, but his own autonomy is taken away by the empire he represents, just as the empire has taken away the autonomy of the Burmese people. The relationship between Orwell and the villagers is not at all the power dynamic that it seems to be; instead, Orwell is a subject of his empire too.

Taking a Closer Look

Depending on the knowledge you possess of the event, the balance of power shifts. From an external view, say someone studying the event through empirical archives, you would determine Orwell had the power in the situation. As he put it “legally I had done the right thing” (4). In accordance to British law he had full right to shoot the elephant. He’d put down a “mad” elephant that had killed a man. However, upon examining Orwell’s account of the situation, you would see the balance of power shift out of his hands.

“Suddenly I realized that I should have to shoot the elephant after all. The people expected it of me and I had got to do it; I could feel their two thousand wills pressing me forward” (3). Despite Orwell’s legal power over the situation, his public transcript demands he be decisive in front of the crowd. He is so engulfed in the persona of being a rigid imperial officer of the British empire that his actions are beyond his control. Though we would not know this if Orwell hadn’t shared his thoughts on the event, he’s become a total “puppet” to the expectations of the Burmans, thereby totally relinquishing his power to them (3). To me, this story highlights Scott’s point of how important it is to study the hidden transcript of a society ruled by domination. For without Orwell’s account we would have totally misjudged who had the power in this situation.

True Power in Shooting an Elephant

George Orwell presents an idea that power can be lost in an imperialistic setting when the so called “controller” is amid the majority. From the story, Orwell, a sub divisional police officer in Burma, was constantly ridiculed and mistreated as the “anti- European feelings were pretty bitter”. The people of Lower Burma enforced their power over Orwell when “A nimble Burman tripped me up on the football field and the referee (another Burman) looked the other way.” This demonstrates that power lay with the majority, rather than the minority (Orwell). It also reinstates that power cannot come from as title, or in Orwell’s case, being set into a colony as a European, but instead, needs to be derived from within. When Orwell was debating on shooting the elephant, he was morally conflicted, as he knew that the elephant would be more beneficial if it were alive, but he did not want to be laughed at by the entire village. His last sentence ” I had done it solely to avoid looking a fool” reveals this sentiment, and further reveals the power that the Burmese have over Orwell. Even so, it could be argued that the shared unity of the people of Lower Burma also represents their subjugation, as their “shared laugh” just like Wedeen suggests, reminds them of their own powerlessness. The fact that they could influence his actions reveals their own inferiority, as Orwell was afraid of violence, therefore acting out in violence. This, as Wedeen and others suggest, is an example of how the Burmese are both victims and perpetrators of their situation.

Shooting an Elephant -EP

Orwell in this piece presents his belief that the dominant group has less power than the subordinate, but I do not know that I completely agree. I think that the way in which one determines who has power in Orwell’s situation depends greatly upon one’s definition of power itself. Orwell sees the Burmese people’s “shared laugh,” and their ability to make him act a certain way, to “play the part,” as a sign of their power over him. While this may be so, I tend to view the “shared laugh” as something that keeps the subordinate right where they are; similar to Wedeen’s argument, the “shared laugh” of the Burmese in this case gives them the illusion of some disturbance of Orwell’s authority, but at the end of the day, Orwell still holds the gun, the British Raj remains in power, and the Burmese continue their lives. Furthermore, and perhaps more interesting, while the ability of the Burmese to make Orwell act differently than he wanted to may seem incredibly powerful, it can also be seen as perpetuating the Burmese people’s inferiority; as Demian points out, the English enforce their authority through violence and fear, but isn’t it the Burmese who force the English to act this way? In this case at least, Orwell would not have used violence had he not felt the pressure from the Burmese to do so, yet it is the use of violence that keeps him in the people’s mind as having power. In this way, the Burmese become—as Havel suggests—agents of their own subordination.

– Emily Peckham

The Tanglement of Power

In George Orwell’s “Shooting an Elephant,” there are several layers or categories of power. For one, Orwell describes the British Empire as evil and tyrannical. Imperialism, to him, is the greatest malevolent force. However, this is all theoretical. In real life, in Orwell’s lived experience, the Burmese are the real nefarious forces. Orwell’s mind is split between these two forces: the theoretical evil and the experienced one. But there are several other units at play that also appear in the story Lisa Wedeen shares. The Burmese people, discontent with the British people’s presence, exert influence on the European officers by yelling at them, insulting them, and even physically effecting them (through tripping during games, for example). All of these acts serve as a type of transgression. However, I think that even with such overt expressions of discontent the Burmese people still partly play into the system that the British government has set in place (although I do believe the Burmese transgress more often than they submit for even Orwell admits the power they have over him). When Orwell is moving towards the scene in which the elephant was last seen, “Various Burmans stopped [him] on the way and told [him] about the elephant’s doing” (para. 3). It’s clear that there is somewhat of an expectation that Orwell (and other European officers) will resolve the issue. The Burmese, not having any weapons, are relatively powerless. They then look to the ones in “power”–those who they resent–as important entities during certain situations. By doing so, they recognize their influence and thus play into the system they (the British) have created. They’ve developed their power over Europeans yet at times (although they hold the power to decide what times) step slightly into the sphere they wish to undermine.

Shooting an Elephant

There is an aspect of the third dimension of power, the idea that the elite have to compromise with the masses, which is evident in Orwell’s account of shooting an elephant. Orwell succumbed to the pressure of the two thousand natives and killed the elephant despite the fact that they all knew the elephant was peacefully eating and did not deserve to die. Orwell could not, just because he had the rifle, do whatever he wanted. He had to conform to the masses regardless of the fact that he was the one in the supposed position of power. This necessity is quite powerful and arguably the biggest force behind Orwell’s killing of the elephant. He ends his account insisting that he killed the elephant “to avoid looking like a fool”. Orwell didn’t want to appear foolish in front of the natives, meaning the native’s perception of Orwell was important to him and significantly influenced his actions.

Who has the power?

In George Orwell’s “Shooting an Elephant,” there is a dynamic of power that is seemed to be maintained from the account of fear. The British Empire, which Orwell works for, has an authoritative power over the the Burmese. However, there rule and what they do is largely based off the people of which they govern. For example, In “Shooting an Elephant,” Orwell is largely concerned of doing what the Burmese want him to do. He does not want to shoot the elephant that seems and appears to be tame, but he knows that if he doesn’t he will seem like a coward to the people he is supposed to be in control of. And how easy is it to overthrow a coward? This anxiety hovering over him even follows him after the shooting of the elephant when he says, “I often wondered whether any of the others grasped that I had done it solely to avoid looking a fool.” This fear of being seen as less allows the Burmese to have a form of power over the people that are supposed to be in total control.  If the “balance” of power is thrown off then the scales are flipped and the Burmese and the British have a situation where revolt or rebellion could occur.

The Elephant in the Rule

Orwell’s need to maintain an image of domination in front of his subjects means the Burmese had the power in the account of shooting the elephant. However, this does not translate to the Burmese having significant power in the situation overall – their acts of rebellion did little to undermine the ultimate claim to British authority in Burma.

As an imperial police officer, Orwell was well-positioned to observe what Scott called “weapons of the weak”, the subtle methods the oppressed had to fight back in some measure against those subjugating them. The jeering, tripping, and general ill-reception Orwell was met with in public seem little more than minor irritants, but they made an impression on him, building up into some truly passionate and racially tinged hatred – the Burmese were “evil-spirited little beasts”, the worst of whom he wished to “drive a bayonet into” (Orwell 1). This sets the stage for what comes next: a performance of power where the audience has control, the principal actor helpless to do anything but follow the script they’ve laid out. Orwell “did not want to shoot the elephant” but felt that he must to maintain the facade of control he had over the natives; not doing so would have invited their laughter, a humiliation a “white man in the east” could not bear (Orwell 3). In forcing Orwell to maintain his public performance against his will the natives have power.

Scott addressed this in his piece on public and hidden transcripts. He specifically cites “Shooting the Elephant” and its discussion of the mask of power, how its wearer’s face “grows to fit it” as an example of the power the oppressed have over the oppressors in terms of enforcing a symbolic politics (Orwell 3). However, Scott’s writing makes it clear that there are limits – sometimes unmasking an oppressor as a fraud does not diminish their power. It is most effective when their mask-slip reveals a contradiction to their claim of authority; this does not happen in the case of Orwell. He describes the British as “clamped down” on Burma, implying a rule justified by force and the threat of it (Orwell 1). The humiliation of a British officer, while personally unfortunate, does little to undermine the basis of imperial domination. It is important to remember that the power dynamic seen in “Shooting the Elephant” is not applicable to most other situations in the British occupation of Burma – it’s an uncommon case of the need for a public transcript backfiring on the oppressing class.