Author Archives: Ejay Cho

democracy in China

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This documentary showed an interesting experiment of democracy in an otherwise undemocratic country. Surprisingly, I think the election for Class Monitor was pretty democratic in that everyone in the class participated in choosing the three candidates, everyone got a vote, and the losers Xiaofei and Cheng Cheng have a chance of trying again next year. Also, there were some elements that were unfair but still resembled elections in liberal democracies such as the US. Each candidate had different levels of parental support, or campaign funds. Luo Lei’s parents gave his classmates a field trip and gifts to get votes while Xiaofei and Cheng Cheng did not have these. In addition, there was an incumbency advantage as Luo Lei was apparently allowed to beat other kids as the current Class Monitor. This might have influenced how kids voted. I think Macchiavelli would have said that Luo Lei won because he effectively used both fear, through his use of force, and virtue, through his gifts, to win over his classmates.

liberal democracy in danger

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The first article distinguishes between liberalism and democracy, and argues that countries such as the United States and Russia are becoming more illiberal, but are still democracies. I agree that the US under Trump and Russia under Putin are becoming increasingly illiberal, with attacks on the press and oppression of minorities. Civil society does not have the same positive effect that Tocqueville observed. This illiberal democracy has led to tyranny of the majority, electing populist leaders with little regard for minorities or the freedom of expression. At the same time, political parties have weakened, making it easier for populist politicians to run rampant. I would argue that these countries are becoming less democratic as well as being illiberal. As shown in the second article, American elections and policies are heavily influenced by the rich and powerful interest groups. Ordinary citizens don’t have as much say as the rich and powerful. This can hardly be a democratic process. Although I believe that liberalism and democracy are both imperiled, I think that we can return to a liberal democracy without a regime change. It will be difficult, but changes are possible within the existing system that will make these countries more liberal and more democratic. Restraints on campaign finance and lobbyists will help lead to more democratic elections and policy-making. Redistributive policies that improve lives will lead to more liberalism. Some of the majority who blamed their economic hardships on minorities might stop doing so. More leisure time and economic opportunities might lead to stronger associations and a stronger civil society that will in turn help liberalism. It is true that a liberal democracy is not inevitable, but I think we can get there if we make some changes.

modernization of Balgat

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In “The Grocer and the Chief,” Balgat is a great example of a town in the transition from traditional ways to modernity. During the initial interviews, the Chief represents tradition and the Grocer represents modernity in the sense of wanting to get out of his “hole.” This idea comes from increasing globalization is a very modern one, as John Gray explains. The Grocer wants to take control of his life and actively impact it by going to Ankara or even America to realize his dreams. On the other hand, the Chief is grateful for what life has given him and does not wish to change things. Another interesting thing was that Lerner seemed to use the word History to mean modernity or modernization, perhaps part of Gray’s modern myth that History truly began with modernization.

In addition, the relationship between Ankara, the capital of Turkey, and Balgat reminded me of the Scott reading on cities. As the modern Turkish state emerged in Ankara, it became the hub of traffic and activities, like Paris in the reading. Even before Balgat is developed, Ankara serves that role for the Balgati. It is where the Grocer gets his supplies, where people go to buy or sell things, where they watch movies, and where they get their news from. After Balgat’s modernization, Ankara’s role expands as it is physically more connected via the bus. Every hour, a bus full of Balgati heads to the capital, and most young men go there to work in factories. It was also interesting that although Balgat is “developed,” it still does not have the geometric layout of a planned city. This means that the locals still hold some power over outsiders or officials from the capital since they require a guide to navigate Balgat. For example, Lerner and Tahir must be guided to the Chief’s house by local children.

methods of political science

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In this piece, Gessen combines the more cultural and institutional approach of Parsons and the more scientific and historical approach of Eberstadt. Parsons attempts to provide what Geertz called a “thick description” by living in Russia and interviewing people who lived through the 1990s. She is effective in shaping a detailed narrative of the time period from her interviews but I think she could have been more effective by including people of various age groups. She only interviews people who were middle-aged in the early 1990s and perhaps the younger generation would have a different and useful perspective. As Eberstadt point outs, it is actually Russia’s young that are facing the effects of depopulation. Parsons also uses the changing political and economic institutions in Russia to explain this phenomenon. Eberstadt is more scientific and historical in that his study is data-driven and he looks at the entire twentieth century instead of the just the 90s. He uses demographic data like birth and death rates to look at Russia’s decades-long problem. He also tries to find a cause through data. Data shows that deaths from cardiovascular diseases and external injuries are much higher in Russia than in other countries of comparable development. However, these don’t seem to result from diet, pollution, or drinking. So Gessen concludes that the problem is in mental health. Although her conclusion is hardly convincing, I don’t think the truth is unreachable. I think we should utilize both cultural and scientific approaches as Gessen has done and keep on going. For me, the next step would be to look at data regarding mental health in Russia.

for whom was the elephant shot?

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I think the one in power is the British government in Britain, not anyone in Burma. There is a façade that the colonial officers have power over the Burmese locals in Burma, but I think both are in control of a faraway British government. First, both sides have to act “onstage,” as Scott puts it, as if they are okay with the situation regardless of their actual belief. The locals, of course, must defer to colonial officers who wield the “legitimate force.” But the officers themselves have to act in control and dominant, even though they might hate the job, like Orwell does. These facades then perpetuate and reinforce the power structure, as Havel contends. Anyone who doesn’t act the part will be thrown out the system. This would include a local who goes against the officers but also any officers who don’t punish the local enough.

As shown, everyday plays his or her part, but there are everyday forms of resistance. The problem is that the Burmese and the white officers believe that the officers are in power, when they too are merely parts of a system. So the Burmese everyday resistance is directed mistakenly at the officers, as Orwell describes so vividly. This ultimately helps the real ones in charge in Britain, as this kind of resistance pits the officers against the locals. The officers will be frustrated and angry because they cannot put down a rebellion that isn’t really there. As a result, they will cling to the colonial system and the British government that gives them “legitimate power” over these unruly locals. This helps the government keep things the way they are.

The elephant shooting is a great example of these power dynamics. Orwell must shoot the elephant to keep the façade, but at the same time develops a resentment towards the Burmese that might unknowingly strengthen his desire to keep things the way they are.

Response to Segregated Schools

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I agree with Keith that Gatto perhaps underestimates or ignores the benefits of high schools to strengthen his own arguments. It is true that certain students, especially those who made it to Williams, are exposed to “grown-up material” but I guess Gatto’s claim is more about the way that they are exposed to it rather than the exposure itself. I liked how Keith analyzed the various functions of school that Gatto lays out, especially in relation to Williams. Although I agree that Williams can be part of the system that fulfills the differentiating, selective, and propaedeutic functions, I would argue that it does have tools to fight some of those functions.

schooled over

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Having gone through the school system for the last twelve years, I feel inclined to defend the “system,” because accepting Gatto’s arguments against schooling would mean that I am merely a dumb, dependent child instead of an independent adult. However, I do see some truth in his essay, based on my experience in the meritocratic school system. The competition among students for grades, various awards, and distinction does divide them and breed the “trivializing emotions of greed, envy, jealousy, and fear” (Gatto 38). Moreover, the assessment of study material rewards those who simply regurgitate information and punishes those who challenge existing knowledge or authority. In this way, schools produce kids happy to take in information as it is given to them, without questioning or processing it. I think, or at least would like to believe that institutions like Williams try to combat these effects of school. Its seminars and tutorials foster critical thinking and discussion. The lecture classes are more akin to the system, but perhaps they are necessary to enable participation in thoughtful discussion.  Our class is certainly far from Gatto’s idea of school because it encourages me to challenge traditional notions of politics and even the professor, the supposed authority figure. More importantly, it does not have any mindless assessments. Further proof is that Williams and our class would not allow students to read this essay if they wanted to reinforce Gatto’s claims.