Last Blog Post

“Please Vote For Me,” in trying to bring a democratic means of selection to pick the next monitor, addresses some of the large potential flaws in democracy. By using children as the subjects of the documentary the documentarian is able to witness a more complete account of the election and the way the vote is influenced. The campaigns throughout the documentary differed greatly from the initial views on democracy. Both the children and teacher frame the election process as the way to select the “best” candidate. The competitiveness that surrounds the election, however, creates a climate in which the children insult one another and seek to bribe their fellow classmates in order to gain their support. This to me in many ways had similarities to the last presidential election and has been something I’ve witnessed even in American politics. In the past presidential election the media and candidates specifically on one side leveled personal attacks at each other; and while not bribing the electorate directly, did so in the form of grandiose unrealistic promises. This climate in both American politics and the Chinese classroom election also illustrated the way in which while systems may be labeled as democratic the same individuals are seen in positions of power as seen by Luo Lei’s three-peat selection as monitor and the reappearing names in elections both in the United States and abroad.

Blog 5

I find it interesting that both Illing and Zakaria both point to an expansion of voting power and the selection of candidates as being threatening to liberal democracy. The concept of direct election of Senators and the opening of primaries to any candidate are typically heralded as expanding the rights of the general populace and expanding democratic principles. It is interesting to then see Zakaria and Illing identify these changes such as these as being part of the problem for liberal democracies. It was also interesting the discussion between Illling and Zakaria about the need for party strength in order to have a well functioning by mediating popular passions and public policy. The current state of the Republican Party indicates the fractious nature of the current system and the movement away from the strong party. The recent arguments between Trump and congressional Republicans indicate a troubling state of affairs for the United States, many completely opposing themselves to him and giving up reelection as a way to avoid political repercussions. The next presidential and congressional elections, however, will be telling as to the current state of affairs for the United States democracy. If there is a rejection of Trump and his type of politics, and a shift back towards the more bipartisan and mainstream politics of the past things could potentially shift back towards a more stable state of democratic affairs. This, however, seems unlikely given the increasing polarization and the rise of outsider candidates on both sides as seen in the popularity of Bernie Sanders on the Democratic side of the previous presidential election and in the significant portion of the United States populace that rejected mainstream politicians such as Jeb Bush and Hillary Clinton. This all and all spells worry for the current democratic system within the United States and the for the survival of U.S. democratic society as we know it.

Blog Post 4

I think it is interesting to analyze the different ways both Lerner and Tosun analyze and contextualize modernity in this small Turkish village that later becomes part of the city of Ankara. One important aspect when looking at modernity through the eyes of Lerner is to consider the cultural differences and definition of modernity that is present in American society. One flaw with American ideals of modernity and progress is that they are typically viewed in the context of societies becoming more like the United States and not developing to suit the needs of their own people and in the context of their own history. This seems to be illustrated in the vastly different accounts provided by Tosun and Lerner. Tosun has many personal issues with the grocer in his descriptions of the Grocer stands and the ideals for which the grocer stands.Lerner, however, does little to contextualize the time period in which Tosun writes. Lerner just claims that the people of the town were wrong and that they have now seen their mistake, the Grocer is even described as a prophet for the times that were awaiting the villagers. This portrayal of the villagers as seemingly ignorant to the potential progress and the subtle argument that the old ways of thinking were preventing modernity seems to fail to fully contextualize the situation in the town of Balgat. To many readers of Lerner’s argument, the logic of the Grocer’s thinking is clear, however not having ever witnessed the potential for growth and “progress” the people of Balgat reject the Grocer. This was not the villagers’ active attempts to prevent advancement only  a lack of knowledge as to what the thinking of the grocer could amount to; therefore any analysis both the villagers and Tosun must be placed in the context of the time and the conceivable possibilities available to the villagers not from a perspective of a Harper’s readers to whom modernity has clear path and definition.

Blog Post Three

I think this article seeks to examine the various means of conducting social science research and the pitfalls and benefits to both. Eberstadt employs a much more “typical” and “accepted” approach in categorizing the various factors which may have been causing the high death rate among Russians. By looking at a variety of different factors and seeking a qualitative means of explaining this increase in the death rate and the decrease in population he exhibits the ways in which a more qualitative approach can examine more factors in explaining a social phenomenon while also reaching, what many view as, a more defensible conclusion. This method, while being viewed as “more accurate” fails to reach any results and instead leaves the question as to why Russians are dying in higher numbers unanswered. Parsons, on the other hand, engages in what is typically viewed as a less accurate means of examining a social phenomenon and conducts interviews with Russians. The problematic nature of this approach, however, is the way in which Parsons tries to create a singular turning point in Russian history and attempts to gather evidence for this perspective through the interviews she conducts. The question then becomes what to do when the “typical” method does not yield a result and the “flawed” measure yields a result that is unconvincing. I believe the combination of both approaches can yield useful observations and seems to answer the problem while independently their explanations may be lacking. The way in which Eberstadt’s quantitative approach excludes any of the traditional causes to explain the decrease in the Russian population seems to be just as important as the answers provided by Parsons. By removing the scientific causes for this phenomenon Eberstadt validates Parsons claims that the Russians may be dying because of a broken heart and the absence of hope.

Second Blog post

I think in the story presented by Orwell neither he nor the Burmese has complete power, however, both are only able to exert their power in very specific ways. Orwell’s daily treatment and his ultimate decision to shoot the elephant for the sake of not looking foolish exemplify the way in which the Burmese are able to exercise their power. In many ways, the Burmese function as the Peasants presented by Scott in Weapons of the Weak. The way in which Orwell is jested, insulted, mocked, and disrespected illustrates that while the Burmese did not have an explicit political power under the rule of British colonialism they were able to show their power through other means. This constant mistreatment only further exemplifies their lack of traditional power, having to resort to this constant mistreatment of Orwell in order to express the only form of power available to them.

 

In that vein, the power possessed by Orwell must then be discussed. Orwell ultimately has a more traditional authority and power, however, throughout the piece, it is observed that his power has significant limits. While he is able to jail prisoners and ultimately is needed to kill the elephant, he is unable to gain any respect from the Burmese people. This lack of respect, while it does not detract from the authority he possesses to control the prisoners and his ability to access sufficient weaponry and firepower to kill the elephant once it turns violent, in the shooting of the elephant against his own wishes he illustrates the limits of his power.

 

I also believe there is symbolism in the way the elephant dies that connects to Orwell’s own comments on the death of British colonialism. While the elephant does not die instantly from one of the bullets, a large number of bullets in combination with time slowly degrades the elephant’s power and allows it to die, mirroring the slow decline of the British Empire. Scott seems to indicate that through slow degradation of power the colonies of Britain can and do ultimately gain their freedom, regardless of the elephant-like power possessed by the British. Through this symbolism of the elephant, Orwell further illustrates the limits of his own power as the system and authority that grants him his power is presented as vulnerable and can be overthrown given sufficient time and degradation. Orwell, therefore, presents a system in which his traditional authority is significantly limited, and while the Burmese may not have a traditional form of power they seem to possess more power than both he and the British in their homeland of Burma.

First Blog Post, Atzin Villarreal Sosa

The purpose of the American school system as presented by Gatto is one premised on making the general populace more manageable is an idea that I had heard before as a criticism for the American school system. While I do agree with many of the points made by Gatto, I feel like he fails to give adequate means of replacing and improving upon the current system and fails to outline an effective way in which parents can counteract the effects of school on their children. While he suggests alternatives like private school and homeschooling, which may not entirely conform to the current system, they still share many similar qualities and without proper oversight can take advantage of students and their families as seen in the Charter school movement within Chicago. Gatto also fails to address the concrete ways in which he would reform the current school system. While he mentions the development of certain traits such as free thinking, inquisitiveness, maturity, he leaves it up to the parents to combat a system in which they have already been inculcated and teach values to their children that they may have never been taught themselves. Additionally, the solution presented by Gatto of having the parents counteract what the school system teaches their children becomes problematic for low-income and single parent families who don’t always have the time or resources to engage in the activities Gatto suggests. So while I think the ideas presented in this article are important I believe that he fails to provide adequate solutions for the problem, especially among low-income students that suffer the most from such a system.